■i^?v- Mr ■ '•^•- >' >• >' >■■ )^' 3* V H >^-
Kls«- -i., 1 , r, ji P' 1), 1^ ::\ t'., !■ J
M 1?, H ^
i/.-.- iir.:. K-.:- T. ».-. I;-,-
X •^^V'^-»-^'T-'"- ^^ ^^.< Ih:- 7
5H -X i:^ l!- '-■ 1?. .>• -M^ >:, . ft, i?';. J^. >,. J^' " ■
; >.^ >^ 'h
M M M 'k- .
; > >^ *. ym
1^: >-• If J^:' Jr, .^.:: ' -''K M. P^ -^^^ ^^. )'^:
i^ X K % *; -K ^'-^ *v ■^^^.. -^ ^■^.•- ^w.^ T,. -^1
?r^ '>^^ ''tV: • U' 'Ip^ ^r ;gr Ij^r :
i^. >■ '^v > 'ji? 5- > ...f^. ]^\ .-^ W >' ^r- 1^ >■. > .B*^ -f*: )^ ...w. i^i;. m
■.. j; -. 'R ?:5^. |C ■i?^ * >■ I. ^: 1^. > >^i;,,.
4: ;pi, 1. >
■^a..-" -^^> ^
■ ' -iA %■> /i.':^! A^^;
|r';>' Ir .:C 1^. ^l •^. -i^^J
yUr\^ l^~y ■.Jt >* |i -it, M P ff\^
^}^'l" V^ "F %^ >■ 1^^ 5^1 .'M '^^^..M
• >- ij^\ ^^m ^m ^ ^m .i>^ f^^ ■%: 1)}^ 1;' I<^ 1^^ i)^ i* f^,^ !^i, '^.. r ^ "
^.. .-ii?^ ^; :# '^lu ;?i^' ^s;>: s^-' ';^::'fn': ,, ,^ : j>^, .1^^ ^ ¥:*i 'M.m^ n,. . M M iif ;K ^^^'^ i^v ■^^' ?^'" >^ 1^^ "M^ 'li^ ^' -^- ^' -:^'- '^ M -'■• '
.;:. .^. ^:. ■^/■^^■■1^^ ;p ]^| J[|; >t M ^J5> >•. 1|J .!/*■ *' #, i^\„ i^ .H >\, ^-'
•:*^ -y ■^; M ^^ ^:ii' ;i^,; -^^^ r^^-^^ li^r #. [h. 5; IJt, JH. l)^ .1^^. .#;. ;'.^^^. A, jt^;,
^^^' 's^v :^ ,;^ '% -.pi 1. r- ... >i^/ "'^'^ l^V i;j^.' "ill- h K f, 1%, :^^ ^..^'v !
ii^^ -m-T 3r^.^^ 11^^ W '^ -^'^ -i^-' '^^^^ ''^^' '''^^■' ^)^' ^'^ -!^'' > 5*.;. >^, '>! :^. ^1 f'\
l^v §., ^; :?l6 -|&i' ;th 'M: -y^ .■ ;^-..yl; ]>»^. ..;4i- M jiV i
^ -j^'^ ^si "1^ ^j*^ -i^*^ v^^ iii' 1^; ■,.. .^,. -. .■ >• ,&? ])?■■ ;^:;. '.si^' }^ ^i 'iif
~# >i -9^: ^^~':;>lj 't: %« >r'-/0: l^'- ■-^■'>.. . 1i^ j^^ I?- 'i^' ..>^ :M^ i*- f
Ii« i|55 ^.lif^' •^Jt 'm ^i^ -m i^l ^i^l >■ ''■■ '?^' 9^'^ .^^" '^V'. '^^' ^^ ,^- -^^1
^r^. ^^i /^4 ;p^ ■•■^i .1^' >
^ ^^ft ^ 'j^^'' ,*^^" -{^ -'0 'p'^ ' • ?N ,^||p :^ -'^ ^r ')^ 'P ^' i^ 'i^ ^1* "j^-iy !,^? ]^ ^fe^" »i?» V)iisi •.%, -yii' > ^"- *i^i ^ ,. ■ j^^ 'V-
;^ 1^.^ l5j?-» 'Ipsf^ t^ ^ia ■•;
Iw*-. ^$Ki 'lb--, t-i^': !t4»-.. lie l»i», |n., ,
^ li*3 lj^*< iK^' ai{i( m •
/-- i.'- ■'> t.l- __:■' '>■
. W "I)*, >4^ ]i*, jf; . j.,
jH, J' . Ji^ j?^ j$*. :^. ,^^ ^l 'k ' ]lf /^^ '>'*»• !^^ -^^ J^' '>
^ p. &^. IK. i*^.: > • i^y ^. .I^J*- i^^^
■>3,^ F^.. #.• ^^
#( v]i* )4^ ifji'i 1^; ;^.. lii' p^" fc
rO-
'^'^O^
?5 o^
,^^' *V.^^^'v/: % ^ .^r
: .<?5 o^
'^^dt
.(-^
-V^
?^ ^> '.
4 ^
.N^
?5 0<s
v^^
r .4 /^i .- A r~j. A ^
^ -
T- ^ t. » ^
Z S' > _ ^ . - >
A*^ <- ^'/..s^ A<^^ <.
* ...^ \* -O^^ '^ %
#^
?^ 9^>
■ ^^^ °-
v^
cP-
,.',.^
.^'^
\}
"K>^^^^'
>■
^^
<
^.
^
' ^^.
^
cJ
■■ff * ■ay ^
<>
J T- ^ C. » Vl
cS >.
'' cp^^^iy'%% ^ '-^iy'v^^ '
^AO^
c3 .^
.^ *^
- v>ir^-:-< _ j^. cu ' f=3ll5:i;!r^" " ^ G^
'-^^ 0^
.N'^
^^'^% ^
Q. ''-
*4v-^' v^^ ^<i r
^.^1^:^:% ^.K':'^% 6^^^^''"'%
3^ Q,
cP\
O-
^AO^
^^ <■ 0 , <-^
I^"'. ^
.i
--^^^
V> »'•■■, ■% v , -%
,% v^"^ »'•".% v> »'•■■,,■%
c."^ "^
'v";,,.5' /!<■■*?
^^"
^^0^
.f^^
<i:^ Q.
"^. #
^.^ -^ * ■^' *■■> > ^
fV \ « o %<*
i'^^
•P ^"^"'^%^ &'
^ ^ '. .,_,.. . / <^ V
^
Till: Ta^m OF B o s t ojs^
witli
the iNTRE^sTCHMENTS Scc.
OV
Hni 3LlJ£STTS FOBC^S in IJjr, fiv/rf thr Obsen'ati/ws t^
\
HISTORY
SIEGE OF BOSTON,
AND OF THE
BATTLES OF LEXINGTON, CONCORD,
BUNKEE HILL.
ALSO, AN ACCOUNT OF THE
BUNKER HILL MONUMENT.
WITH ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS.
#
BY RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr.,
AUTHOR OF A HISTORY OF CHARL'ESTOWN.
SECOND EDITION.
BOSTON:
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN.
1851.
"^■W.v^.
.1 /'L.LY"/'
TiiK'J'oWNorl^OSTOS
with
llii-Ls rKK.VClLMKXTSfrC.
OK
///.v Mj.ikstys Foitc£S III ij'ji
fii'/ii fh- O/i.irriufMii-' '/
i.flljs.MuESTVs ('i>i-|ps iifEusiiifers
aliilli'iiui the llulis iii'iitllKI'<iF.>'TUUIKBcjl
Kjlj;niniUrniilpd«ilW"K<li.-..v (h.uiUf; lilift iUlAfJ,iJay,tr/1'll,*„ri —
/■Ji^rinn//nrAi'tbnfihi7Ar.l)^/t"/Aul/m
«|;:^r7rx^, ^.;^../-.
■v tan-iatf,'^. Pwin^l HMrnM. l*rllartuHr y»,j.l /i„j^.
.-■P'
H.I.-., u, ... „. „, B /'/</. I i«/«kj£,«^
*' ■If'^l'iifftt^tt- Jinrlin^
II t:,„^,iiuii
r. T,m^,Butt
V ol.lJtwn,^
M hi,;,y llui/trl 1 ».-.<■ //.,„ K ».>^/«.»p /i,>4;.
■J f'yit,uy..j,te. BouJ,,,,^
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, by
RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, Jr.
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
^f
)6^
P H E P A C E .
The preparation of a History of Charlestown led to large collections relative to the military transactions that occurred, in 1775 and 1776, in the vicinity of Boston. The greater part of them, hovrever, could not be properly used in a publication of so local a character ; and as no work had been issued containing a full narrative of these interesting events, it was con- cluded to prepare the present volume. It will be found to contain little of general history, and no more of the civil history of Boston than appeared to be necessary to show its relation to the patriot party at the commencement of hostilities.
Time and labor have been freely spent in searching for original documents for this work. Hence, much of the narrative has been drawn from contemporary manuscripts, and nearly all of it from contemporary authorities. Less scepticism as to tradition, and the admission of a larger portion of personal anecdote, might have made it more amusing, but it would have been less reliable. No statement has been made without being warranted by authority believed to be good, and no opinion has been expressed which a
IV PREFACE.
careful scrutiny of evidence did not seem to authorize. Ample time, also, has been taken in the labor of arrangement, and hence haste will not be pleaded in extenuation of error. It will only be remarked, that while there has been diligent search for facts, a careful endeavor has been made to state them fairly and exactly.
The author takes pleasure in expressing grateful acknowledgments to the many friends who have aided or encouraged his humble labors. He will always remember their courtesy and kindness. He is specially indebted to President Jared »Sparks, Hon. James Sav- age, and George Ticknor, Esquire, for valuable assist- ance. The librarians of various public institutions have rendered every facility in making researches. Such attention is alike cheering and gratifying to the inquirer.
This volume has been written under sentiments of grateful veneration for the memory of the men who sacrificed so much, and who struggled so nobly, in be- half of American Liberty. May it contribute something to perpetuate the story of their heroism and suffer- ing, and to foster a desire to emulate their virtues and patriotism.
December, 1849.
The volume has been revised for this new edition, and a few corrections, mostly verbal, have been made. Charkstoivn, February, 1851.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. — COLONIAL POLITICS.
Date. Fa;e
1774.
Progress of New England, ... 1 Jealousy of Great Britain, ... 2 Taxation of the Colonies, .... 3
Massachusetts Politics 4
Mar. 31. Passage of the Port Bill, .... 6 May 13. Arrival of General Gage, .... 5
17. Lands in Boston, 6
June. Orders Troops to Boston, .... 7
The Regulating Acts, 8
Aug. 6. Received by Gage, 9
Committees of Correspondence, . 10 26. Council at Faneuil Hall, . . . . 11 30. Middlesex Count) Convention, . 12
Sept. 1. Removal of Pov?der, 13
Popular Excitement, 14
4. Fortification of Boston Neck, .15 Remonstrances, 16
Date.
1774. Sept.
F««a
26.
Nov.
Boston in 1774, 17
Topography, 18
Government, 18
Population, 19
Commerce, 20
Patriots, 21
Divines, 24
Mechanics, 25
Public Meetings, ... 26
Committees, 27
Clubs, 29
Newspapers, 31
Tories, 32
Daily News, 35
Suffering, 37
Militia Organized, 41
British Troops in Boston, ... 43
CHAPTER n. — LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
1775. January.
Feb.
23. 26.
Mar. 30.
April.
19.
Policy of the Patriots, 45
of General Gage, . . . . 46
Expedition to Marshfield, ... 46
Expedition to Salem, 47
Insults of the British Troops, . . 49 Excursion into the Country, . . 51 Hostile News from England, . . 52
Spirit of the Patriots, 53
Gage resolves to destroy theStores,55 Suspicious Movements in Boston, 56 Proceedings of British Officers, . 56 Embarkation of Troops, . . . . 58 The Town of Lexington, . . . . 59 March of Colonel Smith, ... 60 Skirmish at Lexington, .... 62
Concord in 1775, 64
Retreat of the Militia, . . . . • 66 The British in Concord, .... 67 The Militia and Minute-men, . 67 Skirmish at the North Bridge, . 69 A*
1775. April 19.
Gathering of the Minute-men, . 71 The British leave Concord, ... 72 Skirmish at Merriam's Corner, . 72
in Lincoln 73
in Lexington, .... 74
Disorder of the British, . . . . 74
Lord Percy's March, 76
Doctor Warren and Gen. Heath, 76 Events in West Cambridge, . . 77
Fire at Prospect Hill, 78
Events in Charlestown, .... 79
Killed and Wounded, 80
Monuments, 82
Character of the Battle, . . . . 83
Effect in the Colonies 84
Narrative sent to England, ... 85
Effect in England, 86
Ministerial Card, 87
British Comments, 69
Greatness of the Day, 90
VI
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Date.
1775.
April 20.
Page
May 1.
Circulars of the Committee
Safety,
Assembling of an Army, The People of Boston, Agreement with Gage, Delivery of Arms, . . Violation of the Agreement, The People of Charlestown, Action of Massachusetts, .
of New Hampshire,
of Connecticut, . .
of Rhode Island, . .
Organization of the Army,
Its Character,
Its Officers,
Embassy of Connecticut, . Fortifications at Cambridge
of
. 91 . 92 . 93 . 94 . 95 . 96 . 97 . 98 . 99 . 100 . 100 . 101 . 102 . 103 . 104 . 106
|
Date. |
Pag« |
|
|
1775. |
||
|
May 3. |
Letter %o the Continental Con- |
|
|
106 |
||
|
4. |
Letter tthConnecticut, . . . |
106 |
|
5. |
Vote against Governor Gage, |
107 |
|
9. |
Alarm 'in the Camp, .... |
107 |
|
13. |
March to Charlestown, . . . |
107 |
|
17. |
A British Barge fired upon, . |
108 |
|
21. |
Fight at Grape Island, . . . |
108 |
|
27. |
at Noddle's Island, . . |
109 |
|
June. |
Debates on Armed Vessels, . |
. 110 |
|
6. |
Exchange of Prisoners, . . . |
. Ill |
|
12. |
Proclamation of Gage, . . . |
. 113 |
|
The British Army, |
. 114 |
|
|
Report on Fortifications, . . |
. 115 |
|
|
15. |
Resolve to occupy Bunker Hill |
, 116 |
|
16. |
Position of the Americans, . |
. 117 |
|
Description of Charlestown, . |
. 119 |
CHAPTER IV.-
June 16. Detachment ordered to Bunker
Hill, 121
Prescott's Orders, 122
March to Charlestown, .... 122 Consultation of Officers, . . .123 Proceedings during the Night, . 124 17. Cannonade of the British, . . .125 Prescott's Coolness, 126
BUNKER HILL BATTLE,
June 17,
Suflferings of the Men, . . . . 126
British Council of War 127
Prescott and Reinforcements, . 123 Putnam and the Intrenching
Tools, 129
Preparations of the British, . .130 Landing at Charlestown, . . . 131 Alarm in Cambridge, 132
CHAPTER V. — BUNKER HILL BATTLE.
June 17. Anxiety at Breed's Hill, . . . 133 Putnam. Warren. Pomeroy, 133 The Rail-fence Breastwork, . .134 The New Hampshire Troops, . 134 The American Defences, . . . 135 Positions of the Regiments, . .136 Howe's Speech to his Men, . . 137 Walker's Reconnoitre Service, . 138 Advance of the British, . . . .139 Fire of the Artillery. Plate. .139
First Attack 140
Putnam and Prescott, 142
June 17. Second Attack, 143
Burning of Charlestown, . . .144 Retreat of the British, . . . . 145 The American Reinforcements, 146 Scenes on Bunker Hill, .... 147 Prescott at the Redoubt, . . . 147 Second British Reinforcement, 148
The Third Attack, 149
The Redoubt Stormed, . . . .150
Retreat of Prescott, 151
Putnam on Bunker Hill, . . . 152 Prescott at Cambridge, .... 153
June 17. Character of the Battle, .... 154
lis Object 155
Its Consequences, 156
Its Confusion, 158
Question of Command l.'jg
Evidence respecting Pre.scolt, 159
CHAPTER VI. — BUNKER HILL BATTLE. June 17.
Evidence respecting Putnam, . 163.
Conclusion, 166
William Prescott 166
Israel Putnam, 163
Joseph Warren, 170
Seth Pomeroy, 173
CONTENTS.
VII
CHAPTER \1I. — BUNKER HILL BATTLE.
Date.
1775. June 17.
Page
The American Regiments, . . 175
Prescoit's. Frye'a 175
Bridge's. Mosea Parker, . . . 176
Little's. Doolillle's, 177
Willard Moore. Gerrisli's, . . 178
Samuel Gerrish, 179
Christian Febiger, 179
Gardner's. Thomas Gardner, . ISO Tlie Charlestown Company, . . 181 Brewer's. Wm. Buckminster, 182 Woodbridge's. Whitcomb's, . 183
Richard Gridley, 184
Scarborough Gridley, 185
John Callender, 185
Stark's. John Stark, 186
Date.
1775.
June 17.
Puga
Andrew McClary, 186
Reed's Regiment, 187
The Connecticut Troops, . . . 188
Webb's Letter 189
Thomas Knowlton, 190
Numbers engaged, 190
Killed and Wounded, 192
Major Pitcaim, 195
Major Spendlove, 193
British Comments, 196
The Redoubt, 197
General Howe 199
British Criticism, . . • .... 199 Destruction of Charlestown, . . 201 Characteristics of the Battle, . 204
CHAPl'ER' Vin. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Juno 13. Alarm in the Country, .... 207
Distress in Boston, 207
Scenes in Charlestown, .... 208 General Ward reinforced, . . . 209 Appeal of the Provincial Con- gress, 210
Prospect Hill fortified, .... 210 Winter Hill " .... 211
Works at Roxbury, 212
Skirmishes and Cannonade, . . 213 Congress adopt the Army, . . .213
June 15. Washington made Commander, 214 His Journey to the Camp, . . .214
July 3. Assumes the Command, .... 214 Addresses to him and his Rcplie3,215 Descriptlin of the Lines, . . .216 Character of the Army, . . . .217
9. Council of War, 218
Organization of the Army, . .219
The Environs of Boston, . . . 220
Description of the Camp, . . . 221
of Washington, . .222
CEIAPTER IX. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
July. Generals Lee and Burgoyne, . . 223
8. Skirmishes on Boston Neck, . . 224
12. Expedition to Long Island, . . 225
18. Declaration of Congress, .... 226
20. Expedition to Nantasket, . . . 227
29. Skirmish at Charlestown Neck, 228
30. Skirmishes and Cannonade, . . 230
31. Expedition to the Light- house, 230 Aug. 3. Council of War, 231
Aug. 26. Ploughed HiU fortified, .... 233
State of Boston, 234
Distresses of the British Army, 235 Hardships of the Inhabitants, .236 Destruction of Liberty Tree, . . 237
Enlistment of Tories, 239
Treatment of Prisoners, .... 240
Sept. Cannonade, 242
Attack on Boston proposed, . . 244
CHAPTER X. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Oct. 1.
Gage resolves to Winter in Bos- ton, 246
His Recall 247
Addresses to him, 218
General Howe assumes the Com- mand, 249
Oct. 10. His Character and Policy, ... 250
Bunker Hill and Boston Neck, 251
28. Howe's Proclamations, .... 252
Skirmishes in October, .... 253
The Roxbury Lines, 254
Views of Washington, .... 255
vni
CONTENTS.
Date. Page
1775.
October. Committee from Congress, . . 256
Attack on Boston proposed, . . 257
Correspondence of Dr. Church, 258
His Arrest 253
Date.
1775.
October.
His Trial and Punishment, . . 259 Armed Vessels fitted out, . . . 2C0 Action of Massachusetts, . . . 261 The Pine-tree Flag, 262
CHAPTER XI. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Nov.
29. Dec. 17.
177G. Jan. 1.
Independence advocated in the
Camp 263
Success of the Americans, . . .204 Efforts of New England, .... 264
of Massachusetts, . . . 265
Jealousy of New England, . . . 266 New Arrangement of Officers, .266 Skirmish at Lechmere's Point, 267
Cobble Hill fortified 268
Success of the Armed Cruisers, 269 The Stores of the Nancy, . . . 270 Battery at Lechmere's Point, . 270 Lechmere's Point fortified, . . 271 Manly 's Captures, 272
Mar.
March.
Dec. Conduct of Connecticut Troops, 273 Requisition for Militia, .... 273 Description of the Camp, . . .274 Proceedings in England, . . . 276 The Supplies sent to Boston, . 277 Instructions to General Howe, . 277 Howe's Apprehensions of Scarc- ity 278
He enlists Loyalists, 279
His Proclamation, 279
Sufferings of the Army, . . . .280
Plundering, 281
Demolition of Buildings, . . . 281 Description of Boston, . . . .282
CHAPTER XII. — THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
The Union Flag, 283
Effect of the King's Speech, . . 284 Weakness of the Americans, . 284 An Assault recommended, . . . 2S6 Enterprise to Charlestown, . . 287
Skirmishes, 2S9
Council of War, .... ... 290
Washington's Views, 292
Expedition from Boston, . . . 292 Howe's Views of the Campaign, 293
Arrival of Supplies, 293
Habits of the Troops, 294
Cheerful Aspect of Things, . .295 Washington receives Supplies, 295 Prepares to occupy Dorchester, 297
Cannonade of Boston 297
Dorchester Heights occupied, . 297
1776. Mar. 6.
June 14.
Howe resolves upon an Attack,
Effects of a Storm
Howe's Critical Situation, . . Resolves to evacuate Boston, . Astonishment of the Tories, . .
Boston threatened,
The Selectmen and Washington, Attempt to occupy Nook's Hill,
Howe's Proclamation
Plundering in Boston,, . . . ■ .
Streets barricaded,
Nook's Hill occupied,
The British evacuate Boston, . The Americans lake Possession, They march to New York, . . Captain Mugford's Engagement, The British leave the Harbor, .
298 300 301 301 302 303 303 305 306 307 303 309 309 310 312 313 314
CHAPTER Xni.— THE SIEGE OF BOSTON.
Joy in tlie Colonies, 316
Address of Boston Selectmen, . 316
Reply of Washington, 317
Address of Mas.sachusetts, . . .318
Letter of Congress, 318
The Medal ordered by Congress,319 Letter of Elbridge Gerry, ... 320 The Intelligence in England, . 320 Debates in House of Commons, 321 —— in House of Lords, . . 322
March. Approval of the Ministry, . . . 324 Criticism on General Howe, . . 325 Washington's Policy approved, 326 Description of Boston, . . . .327 The Old South Church, .... 328
Public Buildings, • 328
The Fortifications, 329
Description of Charlestown, . . 330
Fort on Bunker Hill 331
Concluding Remarks, 332
CONTENTS.
IX
THE BUNKER HILL MONUMENT.
Monument to Warren proposed, 337
The Celebration of Bunker Hill Battle, . . 338
Monument on Breed's Hill, 338
Description of it 339
Early Celebrations 339
Origin of the Bunker Hill Monument, . . 340
Act of Incorporation, 341
Subscriptions solicited, 342
Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary, . 342
The Form of the Monument, 343
Description of the Celebration, 344
Solomon Willard, 346
Commencement of the Work, 346
The Mechanic Association, 347
Paflfe
Meeting in Faneuil Hall, 348
Debt of the Monument Association, . . .348
Recommencement of the Work, 348
Its Suspension, 349
Amos Lawrence and Judah Truro, .... 349
The Ladies' Fair, 350
Contract with James S. Sarage, 351
Completion of the Monument, 351
Celebration of 1843, 351
Receipts, 352
Expenditures. Services of Individuals, .353
Officers of the Association, 354
Economy of the Work, 355
Description of the Monument, 355
APPENDIX.
Colonial Politics.
1. Call of a Meeting, Aug. 26, 1774, . . .361
2. Proceedings of the Meeting, 361
3. Extracts from the Diary of T. Newell, 363
Lexington and Concord.
1. Publications on the Events of the 19th
of April, 365
2. Deposition relative to Events in Lex-
ington, , 367
3. Deposition relative to Events in Con-
cord, 367
4. Petition of William Tay 368
5. of Martha Mcullon, 369
6. of Jacob Rogers, ....... 371
Bdnker Hill Battle.
1. Reviewof the Authorities on the Battle, 37C
2. Narrative prepared by Order of the
Committee of Safety, 381
3. General Gage's Official Account,
4. Letter of John Chester, .... 5. 6. 7.
.... 389
Letter of Peter Brown, 392
Letter of Samuel Gray, 393
Letter of William Prescott, and Ex- tracts from Letters of Wm. Tudor, Wm. Heath, and Artemas Ward, . 395
8. Account in Rivington's Gazette, . . . 397
9. Criticism printed in the London
Chronicle 398
10. List of the Regiments, 401
SiEOE OF Boston. Return of the Army, March 2, 1776,
404
Returns of the Army during the Siege, 406
Account of Stores, Ordnance and Ves- sels, left in Boston, 406
Account of the Forts around Boston, erected during the Siege, 409
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Plan of Boston, to face Title-page, ... 3 An Attempt to land a Bishop in America, 24
Plan of Concord 70
Monument at Lexington, 90
Boston and its Environs, 91
TheResolveof Committee of Safety, . . .116
Monument at Concord, 120
View of Charlestown,
Plan of Bunker Hill Battle, . • . .
Cannonade in Bunker Hill Battle, .... 139
Prescott's Letter, 466
British Plan of the Redoubt, 198
Pine-tree Flag 262
Lines c^ Boston Neck, 31.'5
Fort on Bunker Hill, 331
Viewof Bunker Hill Monument, . . . . 337
121 ^ Section of the Monument, 3.'57
133 I First Monument on Breed's Hill, .... 359
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Plan op Boston, by Lieut. Page, was published in England, in 1777. It is the only plan of Boston, of much value, of the publications of 1775. It contains many names not on the last edition of Price's plan, which is entitled, " A New Plan of the Great Town of Boa. ton, in New England, in America; with the many Additional Buildings and New Streets, to the year 1769." Page's plan is curious, as it shows the streets and principal places in the last year Boston was under British authority, and the intronchments erected by the British troops. This is the first American engraving of this plan. It is of the same size as the engraving of 1777, and as nearly as possible a fac-simile of it.
The Plan op Bunker Hill Battle is by the same person — the groundwork being from an actual survey by the celebrated British engineer, Capt. Montresor. It is the only plan of Charlestown of so early a date. It is on the same scale as that published by Felton and Par- ker, in 1848, and the plans will be found to agree as to Main-street, Bunker Hill-street and other streets. The engraving for this work is the first American engraving. It is of the same size as the British engraving, and as to the outlines — streets, houses, trees, fences, line of fire and lettering — is an exact copy. It will be observed that the hills are not named correctly — Bunker Hill should be Breed's Hill. This plan was first published in 1776 or 1777, and the plate of it, with a few alterations in the lettering, was used by Stedman, in 1794, — without, however, any credit being given either to Montresor or Page. A plan was also made by Henry D'Berniere, a British officer. This was first engraved in this country, in 1818, for the Analec- lic Magazine. The ground plan is not so correct as Page's. I have seen an old MS. copy of this, slightly varying in the streets from the engraving. This plan forms the basis of Colonel Swett's plan of the battle.
The Plan of Boston and its Environs was prepared from several plans. Various maps of this vicinity were published during the Revolution. A curious one appeared in England, in 1775, entitled, "The Seat of War in New England, by an American Volunteer, with the Marches of several Corps sent by the Colonies towards Boston." It is on one sheet of imperial paper and was published by R. Sayer and J. Bennett, Sept. 2, 1775. This map contains a plan of Boston and of Boston harbor; also, a picture of the battle of Bunker Hill. It represents the town on fire, and the British columns, with colors, marching to the attack. The map repre- sents the New Hampshire troops coming by the way of Andover, Wilmington and Woburn ; the Connecticut troops, by way of Providence ; and Washington and " the New York Grena- diers" (!) by the way of Worcester. It is more curious than valuable. The Philadelphia Ledger (Aug. 19, 1775) contains an advertisement of a map taken " by the most skilful draughtsman in all America." This was Roman's Map of the Seat of Civil War in America. It is inscribed to John Hancock. It has a rude view of the lines on Boston Neck, and a " Plan of Boston and its Environs." A curious map of Boston and its environs was published, in 1776, at Paris, by " Ch. de Beaurain, Geographer to his Majesty." It purports to be copied from a British plan, — probably from a plan drawn by an engineer in Boston, in October, 1775, and (March, 1776) published "by a nobleman." This plan also is curious, but not correct. Other smaller plans also appeared, in various publications. Lieut. Page prepared a map of 'Boston, its Environs and Harbor, with the Rebels' Works," &c., from his own observations and the plans of Capt. Montresor. This was published in England, by William Faden, in 1777. It is valuable as to the harbor, but incorrect as to the country. Henry Pelham published, in 1777, a large map of Boston and its environs, dedicated to Lord George Germaine, which is by far the most accurate of the maps of the environs. The plan in Dr. Gordon's History was evidently compiled from Page's for the harbor, and from Pelham's for the country. This was copied by Marshall.
The View op Charlestown is c^ied from an original MS. of 1775, and communicated by Henry Stevens, Esq.
The View op the Lines on Boston Neck is taken from one of the British prints of 1777.
The Plan op the Fort on Bunker Hill is taken from Lieut. Carter's letters, written mostly from Charlestown Heights, during the siege, and published in England, in I7S1.
The Representation op the Pine-tree Flag is from the French map of Boston and environs.
The Stamps on the covers are representations of the devices on the gold medal (see p. 319) struck, by order of Congress, in honor of Washington.
THE SIEGE QE BOSTON.
CHAPTER L
Colonial Politics. Taxation of America. The Boston Port Bill. Acis altering the Massachusetts Charter. Resisted by the People. Hostile Preparations. Boston in 1774.
The New England colonists always claimed the liberties of Englishmen. They brought with them the principles that the people are the fountain of political power, and that there can be no just taxation without representation ; and contended for the right of applying these principles according to their wants. They brought with them, also, that republican spirit which animated the English Puritans, and* their early ideal was the establishment of civil commonwealths on the basis of Christian principles. To their vision, this form was a divine institution, the government of angels in heaven, and which ought to be that of men upon earth. It was instituted by God himself in the Holy Scriptures, whereby any nation might enjoy all the ends of government in the best manner.' Hence the New England communities became republican in form, while they had for their "quickening spirit, equal rights, free- dom of thought and action, and personal independence." ^
It was this spirit, and the bold application of these prin- ciples, that made the colonists, so far as their internal policy was concerned, virtually independent; while, so far as their external politics were concerned, their allegiance to the crown did not include an admission of the supremacy of Parliament. In fact, they regarded themselves as capable of organizing
'Eliot's Christian Commonwealth, Preface, 1650. '^John Q. Adams, in Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. 29, p. 210.
2 C()IX)NIAI, roI.ITICS.
local governments, contracting alliances with each other, coin- ing money, making war, and concluding peace. The institu- tions that grow up, shaped in a great measure as experience dictated, were admirably adapted to strengthen and develop a love of liberty united to a respect for law. The almost con- tinual strugt^los with the aborigines and the French served as ini iuvahiable school in which to hiaru iIk; discipline, and to become inured to the dangers, of a military life ; while schools, and colleges, and churches, maintained with wonder- ful i)erscveranc(!, nurtured an equally invaluable intelligence and public virtue. Persons and property were secure, and labor was Iqss burdened with restriction, and more free to reap a fair reward, than it was in any country in the world. In a word, there grew up a system of local administration well suited to the condition of a rising people, united to a general organization, cai)able, in any emergency, of allbrding it pro- tectioji. 'VUo. colonists, in the enjoyment of so large a measure of individual freedom, developed in a remarkable degree the resources of the country, and increased surprisingly its com- mensal and political importance.
This progress, which ought to have been regarded in Great I^ritain with pridfrand pleasure, was beheld with jealousy and aj^preheusion ; — with jealousy, lest the industrial enterprise of the colonists should compete too successfully with that of the mother country ; and with apprehension, lest their rising importance should invite them to assert political independence. These feelings were strengthened by the representations made of their condition by agents of the ministry and by royal governors. Quarry's memorial in 1703 alfords a striking illustration of these reports. "Commonwealth notions," he wrote, " improve daily ; and if it be not checked, in time the rights and privileges of British subjects will be thought by them to be too narrow."' Various measures were recommend- ed to check these ideas. Sagacious royalists saw the republi- can tendencies of the prevailing system of local government, — the Congregationalism in the churches, the town organizations, the local assemblies, — whose influence reached the roots and fibres of the social system ; and it is worthy of remark, that their recommendations reached the foundation of this tendency.
JEALOUSY OF GHKAT B/ilTAIN, 3
Randolph in 1G85, Quarry in 1703, lliitcliinson in 1773,' advised an interference with the towns, and the adoption of the policy of centralization. Other recommendations were made, and commercial reg^ulations were established, which bore with monstrous injustice on their rising manufactures and trade. The colonists, however, had enjoyed tlieir social and pohtical advantages too long to relinquish them without a stri]ggle. They determined to retain their admirable system of local government, and to keep free from foreign taxation. They claimed the right to go on in the path of freedom and progress they with so much toil and treasure had laid open. Why should a country, clotlied by the God of nature with all his highest forms of magnificence and grandeur, be governed by an island of the Old World? Why should it be impeded in its career by manacles thrown about its giant limbs by the selfishness of its parent'/'' The tyrannical revenue laws were never fully submitted to ; and if they were not openly opposed, it was because they were not rigidly enforced.
The British ministry, dissatisfied with so easy an allegiance, resolved, after the conclusion of the treaty of Aix La Chapelle, (1748,) to adopt a more stringent policy with respect to the colonies, by enforcing the revenue laws, and asserting the prin- ciple of British supremacy. They introduced into Parliament a bill which proposed to sweep away the colonial charters without the form of legal judgment, and which authorized the king's instructions to be enforced as law. This bill excited great alarm, and was successfully resisted by the agents of the colonies.^ War again broke out with France, and William Pitt, who was opposed to this policy, became prime minister. This great statesman resigned in 17G1, and the Grenville min- istry subsequently renewed it. In conse^paence of this, politics became the chief concern of almost every local community.
* Hutchinfion, March 10, 1773, wrote, " Ls there any way of compelling Boston to be a corporation, by depriving th'^m of their prcBcnt privihiges, and not Buffering any actK of the town ? The chartf^r of New York city might lie a good pattern. Can no restraint be laid on trie other towns, from acting in any other afiairs than such as immediately concern them TdnixxXr irely?" * .Smyth's Lectures, vol, n., p. 357. ^ Minot's Massachusetts, vol. I., p. 117.
I
4 COLONIAL POLITICS.
In opposition to this policy, and in behalf of commercial free- dom, James Otis made (1761) his memorable speech on writs of assistance. The idea was entertained, at this period, that an American empire was close at hand. It was deduced from the ratio of the increase of population in the colonies, their great natural resources, free spirit, deliverance from danger from the French, and the adoption of the restrictive policy of the ministry. It is not the purpose of these pages, however, to dwell on political events further than as they were the im- mediate occasion of the commencement of hostilities. In 1765 the ministry determined to enforce the supremacy of Parlia- ment by a system of internal taxation. Hence the stamp act, and the opposition to it; its repeal, and the wild joy of the colonists. But the claim was still asserted, that Parliament had the right to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever ; and, to enforce it, other acts were passed, bearing upon all of them, and calling forth in all general opposition and counteracting measures.
In Massachusetts, for nearly a century and a half, there had been a steady and healthy development of free principles. The people manifested it in the early struggles for their char- ters, in their resistance to the greedy tyranny of Andros, and in the subsequent political controversies between the liberty- men and the prerogative-men. Hence, during the ten years of strong reasoning, and firm resolve, and eloquent appeal — from 1764 to 1774 — the acts judged unconstitutional, and contrary to natural and chartered rights, met in this colony with the most determined opposition. It was carried on by men of the Puritan stock, who had in them the earnestness, singleness of heart, and ready devotion, of the olden time, and who believed that Divine Providence had appointed them to develop and defend a rational liberty. There was no com- promise, by such men, with duty. Hence, in dealing with the small tax on tea, when no other course remained, they did not hesitate to destroy the obnoxious herb. Hutchinson writes, " This was the boldest stroke that had been struck in America." It was done after deliberate council, was the work of no common mob, was welcomed through the colonics by the ringing of bells and other signs of joy, and was defended
GENERAL GAGE, 5
as a measure of political necessity. Ministerial wisdom de- vised as a punishment the Boston Port Bill, which was signed March 31, 1774, and went into effect on the first day of June. The execution of this measure devolved on Thomas Gage, who arrived at Boston May 13, 1774, as Captain General and Governor of Massachusetts. He was not a stranger in the colonies. He had exhibited gallantry in Braddock's defeat, and aided in carrying the ill-fated general from the field. He had married in one of the most respectable families in New York, and had partaken of the hospitalities of the people of Boston. His manners were pleasing. Hence he entered upon his public duties with a large measure of popularity. But he took a narrow view of men and things about him. He had no sympathy with the popular ideas, and no respect for those who advocated them. In his eyes, the mass of the people were "a despicable rabble," without the ability to plan or the courage to fight, and their leaders were oily demagogues gov- erned by a selfish ambition ; and it was beyond his compre- hension, how, in a time of prosperity, when trade was good, when food was cheap and taxes were light, such a community could run the chance of ruin out of devotion to principle. His instructions required him to compel "a full and absolute submission" to the rigorous laws of Parliament; and to this end he was, if it should be considered necessary, authorized to employ with effect the king's troops.' This was a harsh duty
'The Earl of Dartmouth, in a letter to Governor Gage, dated April 9, 1774, after urging the duty of " mild and gentle persuasion," says : " At the same time, the sovereignty of the king, in this Parliament, over the colonies, requires a full and absolute submission ; and his majesty's dignity demands, that until that submission be made, the town of Boston, where so much an- archy and confusion have prevailed, should cease to be the place of the resi- dence of his governor, or of any other officer of government who is not obliged by law to perform his functions there." After dwelling on the " criminality" of those who aided in the proceedings in Boston during ihe months of November and December, 1773, the letter says : " The king con- siders the punishment of these offenders as a very necessary and essential example to others of the ill consequences that must follow from such open and arbitrary usurpations as tend to the subversion of all government," &c. The instructions of the Treasury Board, dated March 31, are equally rigorous, and looked to a complete prostration of the commerce of Boston.
b COLONIAL POLITICS.
to perform ; but, making every allowance for its character, General Gage proved as a civilian and a soldier unfit for his position. He was arrogant in the discharge of his office, and to downright incapacity he added gross insincerity in his inter- course with the people.
General Gage, on the seventeenth of May, landed at the Long Wharf, and was received with much parade. Members of tlie Council and House of Representatives, and some of the principal inhabitants of the town, with the company of cadets, escorted him to the Council Chamber, amid salutes from the batteries of the town and of the shipping;' In King-street, the troop of horse, the artillery company, the grenadiers, and sev- eral companies of militia, saluted him as he passed. About noon his commission was proclaimed in form, and a procla- mation was read by the high sheriff, continuing all officers in their places. It was answered by three huzzas from the concourse of people, by three vollies of small arms, and a discharge of cannon by the artillery. The governor then re- ceived the compliments of his friends, reviewed the militia, and was escorted to Faneuil Hall, where " an elegant dinner," loyal toasts, and animating festivity, closed the ceremonies. He then repaired to the Province House, the place of his resi- dence.^
General Gage held a consultation with Governor Hutchin- son, the admiral, and the commissioners of the customs, in relation to putting the Port Bill in force. All agreed in the manner of doing it. The officials left the town, the admiral stationed his ships, and on the first day of June the act went into effect. It met with no opposition from the people, and hence there was no difficulty in carrying it into rigorous exe- cution. "I hear from many," the governor writes, "that the act has staggered the most presumptuous ;" " the violent party men seem to break, and people fall off from them." Hence he looked for submission ; but Boston asked assistance from the other colonies, and the General Court requested him to appoint a day of fasting and prayer. The loyalists felt uneasy at the absence of the army.^ "Many are impatient," Gen-
' Journals of the day. ^ j^ 1767^ an addition was first made to the num- ber of men who commonly formed the garrison of Castle William. On the
THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 7
eral Gage writes, May 31, " for the arrival of the troops ; and I am told that people will then speak and act openly, which they now dare not do." Hence a respectable force was soon concentrated in Boston. On the 14th June, the 4th or king's own regiment, and on the 15th, the 43d regiment, landed at the Long Wharf, and encamped on the common. Additional transports with troops soon arrived in the harbor, and on the 4th and 5th of Jnly, the 5th and 38th regiments landed at the Long Wharf Lord Percy was among the officers of this ar- rival. At this time the governor had a country seat at Dan- vers. On the 6th of August the 59th regiment arrived from Halifax, and during the following week landed at Salem, and there encamped.' Additional troops were ordered from New York, the Jerseys, and Quebec. These measures. General Gage writes, give spirits to one side, and throw a damp on the other. " Your lordship will observe, that there is now an open opposition to the faction, carried on with a warmth and spirit unknown before, which it is highly proper and necessary to cherish, and support by every means ; and I hope it will not be very long before it produces very salutary effects." ^
The Boston Port Bill went into operation amid the tolling of bells, fasting and prayer, the exhibition of mourning em- blems, and every expression of general and deep sympathy. It bore severely upon two towns, Boston and Charlestown, which had been long connected by a common patriotism. Their laborers were thrown out of employment, their poor were deprived of bread, and gloom pervaded their streets. But they were cheered and sustained by the large contribu- tions sent from every quarter for their relief, and by the noble words that accompanied them. The mission of this law, how-
Ist of October, 1768, a body of seven hundred, covered by the fleet, landed in Boston, and with charged muskets marched to the common, amid the sullen silence of the people. In November following, parts of the 64th and 65th regiments joined them. Collisions with the inhabitants followed, and then the tragedy of the fifth of March, 1770. This occasioned the removal to the castle. Here they remained until the ministry resolved to subdue Massachusetts by arms.
' NewelFs Diary. ^ The letters of Lord Dartmouth and General Gage, or rather extracts from them, were published in the Parliamentary Register of 1775.
1*
8 COLONIAL POLITICS.
ever, was rather to develop an intense fraternal feeling, to promote concert of action and a union of the colonies, than to create a state of open war. The excitement of the public mind was intense ; and the months of June, July, and August, were characterized by varied political activity. Multitudes signed a solemn league and covenant against the use of British goods. The breach between the whigs and loyalists daily became wider. Patriotic donations from every colony were on their way to the suffering towns. Supplies for the British troops were refused ; and essays demonstrated that the royal authority had ceased, and that the people, being in a state of nature, were at liberty to incorporate themselves into an inde- pendent community. It was while the public mind was in this state of excitement, that other acts arrived, which Gen- eral Gage was instructed to carry into effect.
The British Parliament had passed two acts,^ virtually re- pealing the charter of Massachusetts, entitled " An Act for the better regulating the government of the Province of Massachu- setts Bay," and "An Act for the more impartial administra- tion of justice in said Province." The first law provided that the councillors, which were chosen by the representatives annually, should be appointed by the king, and should serve according to his majesty's pleasure ; that the judges, sheriffs, and other civil officers, should be appointed by the governor, or, in his absence, the lieutenant-governor; that juries should be summoned by the sheriffs ; and that town-meetings, except the annual ones of March and May, and othei: public meet- ings, should not be held without the permission of the governor. The other act provided that offenders against the laws might be carried to other colonies or to England for trial. These arbitrary acts went to the root of the political system that had grown with the growth and had strengthened with the strength of Massachusetts. They undermined those fundamental prin- ciples which formed its basis. They struck down customs,
^ The bill for regulating the government passed the House of Commons May 2, 1774, yeas 239, nays 64 ; the House of Lords,May 11, yeas 92, nays 20. The bill for the administration of justice passed the House of Commons May 6, 1774, yeas 127, nays 24 ; the House of Lords, May 18, yeas 43, nays 12 Both bills were approved May 20.
THE REGULATING ACT. 9
which, ill a century and a half's practice, had grown into rights. They invaded the trial by jury ; and what was scarcely less dear to the colonists, they prohibited public meet- ings, and thus, it was said, ''cut away the scaffolding of English freedom." The issue, no longer one of mere taxation, involved the gravest questions as to personal rights. The freeman was required to become a slave. It was the attempt- ed execution of these laws that became the immediate occasion of the commencement of hostilities between the American colonists and Great Britain.
Copies of these acts were received early in June,^ and were immediately circulated through the colonies. General Gage did not receive them officially until the 6th of August, and with them a letter of instructions from the government. Lord Dart- mouth hoped these new laws would have " the good effect" to give vigor to the civil authority, " to prevent those unwarrant- able assemblings of the people for factious purposes, which had been the source of so m.uch mischief." and to secure an impar- tial administration of justice ; and he instructed the governor, at all hazards, to put them in force. Not only the dignity and reputation of the empire, but the power and the very existence of the empire, depended upon the issue ; for if the ideas of inde- pendence once took root, the colonial relation would be sev- ered, and destruction would follow disunion. It was actual disobedience, and open resistance, that had compelled coercive measures. With this imperative order there came a nomi- nation of thirty-six councillors. General Gage lost no time in attempting to carry these laws into execution. Twenty- four of the council immediately accepted. The first meeting of such of the members as could be collected was held on the 8th; and a meeting of the whole was called on the 16th. Judges, also, proceeded immediately to hold courts, and sheriffs to summon juries, under the authority of the new acts. The momentous question of obedience now came up. Should Massachusetts submit to the nevv'- acts? Would the other colonies see, without increased alarm, the humiUation of Mas- sachusetts ?
' June 2, Captain Williamson, in 36 days from Bristol, (arrived) with copy of another cruel act of Parliament. — Newell's Ms. Diary.
10
COLONIAL POLITICS.
This was the turning point of the Revolution. It did not find the patriots unprepared. They had an organization beyond the reach ahke of proclamations from the governors, or of circulars from the ministry. This Avas the committees of correspondence, chosen in most of the towns in legal town- meetings, or by the various colonial assemblies, and extending throughout the colonies. Their value was appreciated by the patriots, while their influence was dreaded by the crown. His majesty had formally signified his disapprobation of their appointment;' but the ministers of state corresponded with their colonial officials and friends; and why should it be thought unreasonable or improper for the agents of the colo- nists to correspond with each other 1 The crisis called for all the wisdom of these committees. A remarkable circular from Boston, addressed to the towns, (July, 1774,) dwelt upon the duty of opposing the new laws : the towns, in their answers, were bold, spirited, and firm, and echoed the necessity of resistance. Nor was this all. The people promptly thwarted the first attempts to exercise authority under them. Such councillors as accepted their appointments were compelled to resign, or, to avoid compulsion, retired into Boston. At Great Barrington, (August, 1774,) the judges, on attempting to hold courts, were driven from the bench, and the Boston people were gravely advised to imitate the example. '^ At length the committee of Worcester suggested a meeting of various com- mittees, to conclude upon a plan of operation to be adopted through the province,^ and requested the Boston committee to call it. Accordingly, a meeting of delegates from the commit- tees of the counties of Worcester, Essex, and Middlesex, and of the committee of correspondence of Suffolk, was held on the 26th of August, 1774, at Faneuil Hall. It was first resolved that
' Governor Hutchinson, in his message to the General Court, January 26, 1774, said : " I am required to signify to you his majesty's disapprobation of the appointment of committees of correspondence, in various instances, which sit and act during the' recess of the General Court." '^ A paper, in stating this fact, says : Here is novsr an example for you, inhabitants of Suffolk ! An infant county, hardly organized, has prevented the session of a court on the new system of despotism. ^ " A county congress " was suggested at a Bos- ton town-meeting, August 9, and the committee of correspondence authorized to appoint delegates to it. — Records.
COUNCIL IN FANEUIL HALL. 11
certain officers of the crown, — such as judges, and justices, and officers of courts, — were, by the act for the better regu- lation of the government, rendered unconstitutional officers ; and then a committee was raised, to report resohitions proper to be adopted on so alarming an occasion. The meeting then adjourned to the next day. On the 27th, this meeting con- sidered the report of its committee, and adopted it. Its pre- amble declares that the new policy of the ministry formed a complete system of tyranny ; that no power on earth had a right, without the consent of this province, to alter the minutest tittle of its charter ; that they were entitled to life, liberty, and the means of sustenance, by the grace of Heaven, and without the king's leave ; and that the late act had robbed them of the most essential rights of British subjects. Its resolves declare : 1. That a Provincial Congress is necessary to counteract the systems of despotism, and to substitute referee committees in place of the unconstitutional courts ; and that each county will act wisely in choosing members, and reso- lutely executing its measures. 2. That, previous to the meet- ing of such congress, the courts ought to be opposed. 3. That officers attempting to hold them, or any others attempting to execute the late act, would be traitors cloaked with a pretext of law. 4. That all persons ought to separate from them. — laborers ought to shun their vineyards, and merchants ought to refuse to supply them with goods. 5. That every defender of the rights of the province, or of the continent, ought to be supported by the whole county, and, if need be, by the prov- ince. 6. That, as a necessary means to secure the rights of the people, the military art, according to the Norfolk plan, ought to be attentively practised. Such was the bold deter- mination of what may not be inaptly termed the executive of the patriot party. I know of no more important consultation of this period,* or one that was followed by more momentous action. These resolves, reflecting as they did the deep convic- tions of the majority of the people, were carried out to the
' This meeting does not appear to have been public. I have not met with a single allusion to it in print, either in the newspapers or in the histories. The proceedings, from Mss. in the rich cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society, with the call, are in the Appendix.
12 COLONIAL POLITICS.
letter. The result was, a Provincial Congress, hostile prepa- ration, a clash of arms, and a general rising of the people.
To the people of Middlesex County belongs the honor of taking the lead in carrying out the bold plan resolved upon in Faneuil Hall. A convention, consisting of delegates from every town and district in it, chosen at legal town-meetings, assem- bled at Concord on the 30th of August. It numbered one hun- dred and fifty, and constituted a noble representation of the character and intelligence of this large county. The mem- bers felt that they were dealing with "great and profound questions," — their own words, — at a stage when judicious revolutionary action, rather than exciting language, was re- quired. Their report and resolves are pervaded by the deep religious feeling that runs through the revolutionary docu- ments of New England, and are remarkable for their firmness, moderation, and strength. After reviewing the late acts, they say, " To obey them would be to annihilate the last vestiges of liberty in this province, and therefore we must be justified by God and the world in never submitting to them." Actu- ated by " a sense of their duty as men, as freemen, and as Christian freemen," they resolved that every civil officer, act- ing under the new acts, "was not an officer agreeable to the charter, therefore unconstitutional, and ought to be opposed." They concluded in the following lofty strain: "No danger shall affright, no difficulties shall intimidate us ; and if, in support of our rights, we are called to encounter even death, we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die too soon who lays down his hfe in support of the laws and liberties of his country." Memorable words for men to utter, who led at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill ! Proceedings worthy to have emanated from these world-renowned battle-grounds.'
The governor, meantime, kept a watchful eye on these movements. He resolved to use his troops to disperse public meetings, and to protect the courts ; and made his first attempt at Salem. A meeting was called in this town, August 20, by printed handbills from the committee of correspondence, and
' These proceedings were published at length in the journals of the time. A copy was officially sent to Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, where they were much applauded.
THE SALEM MEETING 13
the object was to elect delegates to a county convention to be holden at Ipswich. On the 23d of August, General Gage issued a proclamation, forbidding all persons from attending this meeting, "or any other not warranted by law," as they would be chargeable with all the ill consequences that might follow, and must " answer them at their utmost peril." The inhabitants, however, assembled on the 24th, according to the notice. By request, the committee waited on General Gage, who ordered them, to dissolve the meeting. The committee began to argue the legality of the assembly. " I came to exe- cute the laws, not to dispute them," replied Gage. A detach- ment of troops was ordered to disperse the meeting ; but while the committee were in consultation, the people transacted their business and adjourned, and the discomfited governor grati- fied his resentment by arresting those who called the unlawful assembly.
The next attempt of General Gage indicated his intention to secure the cannon and powder of the province, and thus disarm the people. In Charlestown, on Quarry Hill, was a magazine, — the powder-house, — where it was customary to store powder belonging to the towns and the province. Owing to the lowering aspect of public affairs, the towns, in August, withdrew their stock, which left only that belonging to the province. This fact was communicated to General Gage by William Brattle, of Cambridge, when it was determined to remove the remainder of the powder to Castle William. Ac- cordingly, on the first day of September, in the morning about sunrise, Lieutenant-Colonel Maddison, and two hundred and sixty troops, embarked in thirteen boats at Long Wharf, Bos- ton, landed at Temple's Farm, (The Ten Hills,) crossed over Winter Hill to the powder-house, and carried the powder, two hundred and fifty half-barrels, on board the boats. Meantime a detachment went to Cambridge, and carried away two field- pieces, lately procured for the regiment of that place. The party then proceeded to Castle William.
The report of this affair, spreading rapidly, excited great indignation. The people collected in large numbers, and many were in favor of attempting to recapture the powder and can- non. Influential patriots, however, succeeded in turning their
14 COLONIAL POLITICS.
attention in another direction. They were persuaded to remain quiet on this day, and on the next day, September 2, to carry into effect the resolves of the convention of Middlesex County, so far as related to officers who were exercising authority under the new acts. Accordingly, under the sanction and direction of members of the committees of correspondence of Boston, Charlestown, and Cambridge, the people repaired in a body to the residence of Lieutenant-Governor Oliver, and obliged him to resign his office. The resignation of other important officers, who had accepted appointments or executed processes, was procured. General Gage was wisely advised by his adherents not to use force to disperse this meeting, and thus, unmolested, it acted in a revolutionary manner almost within gun-shot of his batteries. Meantime the fact of the removal of the powder became magnified into a report that the British had cannonaded Boston, when the bells rang, beacon-fires blazed on the hills, the neighbor Colonies were alarmed, and the roads were filled with armed men hastening to the point of supposed danger.
These demonstrations opened the eyes of the governor to the extent of the popular movement, and convinced him of the futility of endeavoring to protect the courts by his troops. He left Salem for Boston, to attend the Superior Court, Aug. 30th, and with the intention of sending a detachment to pro- tect the judges in holding a court at W orcester ; but his coun- cil hesitated as to the propriety of weakening his forces by division. It would be to tempt tlieir destruction. " The flames of sedition," he writes, September 2, " had spread uni- versally throughout the country beyond conception;" and he assured Lord Dartmouth that "civil government was near its end;" that the time for "conciliation, moderation, reasoning, was over," and that nothing could be done but by forcible means ; that Connecticut and Rhode Island were as furious as Massachusetts ; that the only thing to be done was to secure the friends of government in Boston, to reinforce the troops, and act as circumstances might require. "I mean, my lord," he adds, " to secure all I can by degrees; to avoid any bloody crisis as long as possible, unless forced into it by themselves, which may happen." But as it was resolved " to stem the
BOSTON NECK FORTIFIED. 15
torrent, not yield to it," he frankly told the minister " that a very respectable force should take the field."
This was the period of transition from moral suasion to physical force. General Gage saw no hope of procuring obe- dience but by the power of arms ; and the patriot party saw no safety in anything short "of mihtary preparation. Resist- ance to the acts continued to be manifested in every form. On the ninth of September the memorable Suffolk resolves were adopted, going to the same length with those of Middle- sex ; and these were succeeded by others in other counties equally bold and spirited. These resolves were approved by the Continental Congress, then in session. Everywhere the people either compelled the unconstitutional officers to resign, or opposed every attempt to exercise authority, whether by the governor or by a constable.' They also made every effort to transport ammunition and stores to places of security. Can- non and muskets were carried secretly out of Boston." The guns were taken from an old battery at Charlestown, where the navy yard is. This was difficult to accomplish, for any unusual noise in the battery might be heard on board of a ship of war whiich lay opposite to it. But a party of patriots, mostly of Charlestown, removed the guns silently at night, secreted them in the town for a few days, and eluding a strict search made for them by British officers, carried them into the country.
General Gage immediately began to fortify Boston Neck.
' A letter from Boston states .-"The distress occasioned to the town by that indiscriminating act which, by shutting up the port of Boston, involves the innocent equally with the guilty, seems to be entirely absorbed by what is thought a greater evil, the act for regulating, or rather altering, the consti- tution and government of the province, regardless of their long-enjoyed char- ter privileges. As this affects the whole province, and deprives them of what they hold most dear, the temper of the people is raised to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and their behavior borders upon distraction."
2 Newell writes, September 15 :"Last night all the cannon in the North Battery were spiked up. It is said to be done by about one hundred men, who came in boats, from the men of war in the harbor. September 17 : Last night the town's people took four cannon from the gun-house very near the common. September 20 : Some cannon removed by the men-of-war's men from the mill-pond."
2
16 COLONIAL POLITICS.
This added intensity to the excitement. The inhabitants became alarmed at so ominous a movement ; and, on the 5th of September, the selectmen waited on the general, represented the public feeling, and requested him to explain his object. The governor stated in reply, that his object was to protect his majesty's troops and his majesty's subjects ; and that he had no intention to stop up the avenue, or to obstruct the free passage over it, or to do anything hostile against the inhab- itants. He went on with the works, and soon mounted on them two twenty-four pounders and eight nine pounders. Again, on the 9th, the selectmen called on him, and repre- sented the growing apprehension of the inhabitants. The fortress at the entrance of the town, they said, indicated a design to reduce the metropolis to the state of a garrison. In a written reply, General Gage repeated his former assurances, and characteristically remarked, that as it was his duty, so it should be his endeavor, to preserve the peace and promote the happiness of every individual, and recommended the inhab- itants to cultivate the same spirit. On the next day a com- mittee from the Suffolk convention waited on him. They represented that the prevailing ferment was caused by his seizing the powder at Charlestown, by his withholding the stock in the Boston magazine from its legal proprietors, by his new fortification, and by the insults of his troops to the people. General Gage's reply is dated September 12. He admits instances of disorder in the troops, but appeals to their general good behavior, and concludes : " I would ask what occasion there is for such numbers going armed in and out of town, and through the country in a hostile manner ? Or why were the guns removed privately in the night from the battery at Charlestown ? The refusing submission to the late acts of Parliament I find general throughout the province, and I shall lay the same before his majesty." The patriots were never at a loss for words ; and on receiving this, they promptly pre- sented an address to the governor, recapitulating his hostile acts, and requesting him, in his purposed representation, to assure his majesty, " That no wish of independency, no adverse sentiments or designs towards his majesty or his troops now here, actuate his good subjects in this colony ; but
BOSTON IN 1774. 17
that their sole mtention is to preserve pure and inviolate those rights to which, as men, and Enghsh Americans, they are justly entitled, and which have been guaranteed to them by his majesty's royal predecessors." Dr. Warren, in presenting to General Gage this address, remarked, " That no person had, so far as he had been informed, taken any steps that indicated any hostile intention, until the seizing and carrying off the powder from the magazine in the County of Middlesex." '
All eyes now centred on Boston. It was filled with the spirit of the olden time, — the spirit of the indomitable men, pure in life and strong in faith, who founded it, and who reared it for the abode of civil independence as well as for religious liberty. In every period of its history it had been jealous of its rights. It had grown up in the habitual exer- cise of them, and had been quick to discern their infringe- ment. It had dared to depose Andros for his tyranny, and it was early and decided in its opposition to the claim of par- liamentary supremacy. For years it had been alive with the kindling pohtics of the age, and stood boldly prominent as the advocate of the patriot cause. It was regarded by the Whigs as the great representative of liberty. It was regarded by the Tories as the grand focus of rebellion.'^ Hence the British administration made it feel the full weight of British power, and expected by crushing the spirit of Boston to crush the spirit of disobedience in the colonies.
The great natural features of the metropolis of Massachu- setts, at this time, were almost unchanged. The original
' The General Congress remonstrated on these fortifications. General Gage, October 20, in his reply, says: "Two works of earth have been raised at some distance from the town, wide of the road, and guns put in them. The remains of old works, going out of the town, have been strength- ened, and guns placed there likewise." The documents are in the news- papers of this period.
^ General Gage, Aug. 27, 1774, wrote to Lord Dartmouth : — It is agreed that popular fury was never greater in this province than at present, and it has taken its rise from the old source at Boston, though it has appeared first at a distance. Those demagogues trust their safety in the long forbearance of government, and an assurance that they cannot be punished. They chicane, elude, openly violate, or passively resist the laws, as opportunity serves ; and opposition to authority is of so long standing, that it is become habitual.
18 COLONIAL POLITICS.
peninsula, with its one broad avenue by land to connect it with the beautiful country by which it was surrounded, had sufficiently accommodated its population, without much alter- ation of the land, or without much encroachment on the sea. Beacon Hill, and its neighboring eminences, now so crowded with splendid mansions, were then pasture grounds, over which grew the wild rose and the barberry. Copp's Hill, one of the earliest spots visited by the Pilgrims, and Fort Hill, memorable as the place where Andros and his associ- ates were imprisoned, were also of their original height. Much of Boston, now covered by piles of brick and busy streets, was then overflowed by the tide, or was parceled out in gardens and fields. It would require, however, too much space to dwell on its topography, or its municipal affairs, or to describe the change that enterprise and wealth, under the benign influence of freedom, have wrought in its appearance. Its government, however, exercised too powerful a political influence to be passed over without remark. Its form was simple, and peculiar to New England. No common law orig- inally authorized it ; and so widely did it differ from that of the municipal corporations of England, that Andros (1686) declared there was no such thing as a town in all the coun- try. At first the inhabitants of the towns managed their affairs in general meeting, but soon chose "the seven men," or " the selectmen," to act as an executive body. The Gen- eral Court in 1636 recognized the towns, and defined their powers. Such was their origin. In Boston the selectmen were at first chosen for six months ; but after a few elections, for a year. The general town affairs were decided in general meetings of the citizens. So important were these little local assemblies regarded, that the absentee from them was fined ; so free were they, that in them — the General Court ordered, 1641 — any man, whether inhabitant or foreigner, might make any motion or present any petition ; so wide was the range of subjects discussed by them, that the debates ran from a simple question of local finance to general questions of provincial law and human rights ; so great was their po- litical effect, that the credit has been assigned them of having commenced the American Revolution. The hand votes of the
POPULATION OF BOSTON, 19
citizens in them were equal, and "this apparent equality in the decisions of questions taught every man, practically, the greatest principle of a republic, that the majority must gov- ern." * " The people," Tudor well remarks, " were the sub- jects of a distant monarch, but royalty was merely in theory with them." ^
The population of Boston was about seventeen thousand. A marked peculiarity of it was its homogeneous character. It was almost wholly of English extraction ; and, during the pre- ceding century, it had gradually increased from its own stock. It had few foreigners — few even of English, Irish, or Scotch. It was an early remark in relation to it, that it wore so much the aspect of an English town, that a Londoner would almost think himself at home at Boston. Strangers praised its gen- erous hospitality. " I am arrived," a traveller^ writes, " among the most social, polite, and sensible people under heaven, — to strangers, friendly and kind, — to Englishmen, most generously so." Its inhabitants, by their industry, en- terprise and frugality, generally had acquired a competence. There was no hopeless poverty ; there were few of large wealth ; and none were separated by privileges from the rest of the community. The common school^ had made deep its
^ Tudor's Otis, p. 446. ^ lb., p. 444. ^ A physician, November 8, 1774, describes Boston as follows : —"In this land of bustling am I safe arrived, among the most social, polite and sensible people under heaven, — to stran- gers, friendly and kind, — to Englishmen, most generously so. Much have I travelled, and much have I been pleased with my excursions. This is a fine country, for everything that caa gratify the man or please the fancy. War, that evil, looks all around us ; the country expect it, and are prepared to die freemen, rather than live what they call slaves. The patriots here are, in general, men of good sense, and high in the cause. I have been introduced to General Gage and the Tories — to Hancock and the Whigs. I find myself a high son — that is the strongest side at present. How long I shall stay here is uncertain. Much have I been entreated to settle here as physician ; and was peace and unanimity once more established, I should prefer this place to any I ever saw. The town is finely situated, very con- siderable, and well worth preserving. If hostile measures take place, I be- lieve it will fall a sacrifice." * In May, 1773, the South Grammar School had 130 scholars ; North, 59 ; South Writing, 220 ; North Writing, 250 ; Writing School, Queen-street, 264. 2*
20 COLONIAL POLITICS.
mark of common brotherhood ; and in the pubUc meeting, in the social circle, in the varied walks of life, men met as equals in the race of enterprise or of ambition. The Province House — still standing — was the centre of fashion ; and the polished circle that moved in it shed abroad the influence of manners characterized by the urbanity of the olden time. The attention paid to education and religion, and the activity of the printing presses, indicate the value placed on the higher interests of a community. The general thrift was shown in the air of comfort spread over the dwellings, the elegance of many private mansions, and the number of public buildings. One fact is worthy of remark. Notwithstanding the political excitement that continued for ten years, with hardly an inter- mission ; notwithstanding the hot zeal of the sons of liberty, the bitter opposition of as zealous loyalists, the presence of the military, the firing upon the people, the individual col- lisions with the soldiers, " throughout this whole period of ferment and revolution, not a shigle human life was taken by the inhabitants, either by assassination, popular tumult, or public execution."^
The prosperity of Massachusetts never had been greater, and it never had felt less the ordinary burdens of society. It was, as to commerce, the envy of the other colonies. " In no independent state in the world," Hutchinson writes, " could the people have been more happy."^ Boston, more than any other town, represented this prosperity. Its relative impor- tance, when compared with the cities and towns of the other colonies, was far greater than it is at the present day ; and it was pronounced the most flourishing town in all British America. A glance at the ship-yards marked on the map will indicate the direction of a large portion of its industry ; a thousand vessels, cleared in a single year from its port,' will indicate the activity of its trade. It was not only the metrop- olis of Massachusetts and the pride of New England, but it was the commercial emporium of the colonies. It could assert, without much exaggeration, that its trade had been an
1 Tudor's Life of Otis, p. 451. ^ Hutchinson, vol. 3, p. 351. ^ Price's Map, 176[).
BOSTON PATRIOTS. 21
essential link in that vast chain of commerce which had raised New England to be what it was, the southern prov- inces to be what they were, the West India Islands to their wealth, and the British empire to its height of opulence, power, pride and splendor.^
To enumerate the services and to sketch the characters of the patriots who won for Boston a world-wide renown, would require a volume. I can do little more than indicate their fields of labor. The foremost of them, James Otis, so vehe- ment and wild in his support of liberty that the British called him mad, of such pure patriotism and spirit-stirring eloquence that the people hung upon his words with delight, had accom- plished his great pioneer work ; and his fine genius, by a savage blow from an enemy, had become a wreck. Samuel Adams, the giant reformer, who best represents the sternness, the energy, the puritan ism of the Revolution, was commenc- ing his career as a member of the Continental Congress, and had begun to manage its factions, by the simple wand of integrity of purpose, with the same success with which he gathered about him the strong men of Boston. " All good men," George Clymer writes in 1773, "should erect a statue to him in their hearts." Jolm Adams, ardent, eloquent, learned in the law,^ready with his tongue or his pen to defend the boldest measures as necessary, whether the destruction of the tea or the obstruction of a court, was in the same Congress continuing a brilliant service. There, too, was John 'Hancock, whose mercantile connections, social position, lav- ish hospitality and large wealth, made up an influence in favor of the Whig cause, when influence was invaluable. Joseph Warren^ skilful as a physician, of a chivalrous spirit and of fascinating social qualities, beloved as a friend and of judgment beyond his years, seeing as clearly as any other the great principles of the contest, and representing as fully as any other the fresh enthusiasm of the Revolution, was work- ing laboriously in the committee of correspondence, in the
* Vote of Boston, May 18, 1774. Town Records. The population of New York was about 21,000 ; the population of Massachusetts, in 1775, was estimated at .352,000 ; that of the colony of New York at 238,000.
22 COLONIAL POLITICS.
Boston committee of safety, in the committee on donations, in the provincial committee of safety, and in the Provincial Con- gress. Josiah Quincy, jr., the Boston Cicero, devoted to the patriot canse, profound in the conviction that his countrymen would be required to seal their labors with their blood, was on a confidential mission to England, — being destined, on his return, to yield up his pure spirit in sight of the native land which he loved so much and for which he labored so well. Thomas Cushing, of high standing as a merchant, of great amenity of manner, of large personal influence, was a dele- gate to the Continental Congress. So widely was his name known in England, from its being affixed to public docu- ments, that Dr. Johnson remarked, in his ministerial pamphlet, that one object of the Americans was to adorn Cushing's brows with a diadem. James Bowdoin, as early as 1754 one of the members of the General Court, was still of such fresh public spirit as to be one of the leading politicians ; and though not so ardent as some of his associates, yet his sterling char- acter gave him great influence, while he was none the less attached to the Whig cause, and none the less obnoxious to the royal governor. Benjamin Church, a respectable physi- cian, of genius and taste, who had made one of the best of the "massacre" orations, was working in full confidence with the patriots, though his sim was destined to set in a cloud. Nathaniel Appleton was active on various boards, and his name is affixed to some of the most patriotic letters that went from the donation committee. William Phillips, one of the merchant princes, irreproachable as a man, for thirty years deacon of the Old South, was serving on various boards, and contributed money in aid of the cause with the same liberality with which, subsequently, he contributed to aid the cause of education. Oliver Wendell, of liberal educa- tion, of uncommon urbanity of manner and integrity of char- acter, at this time in mercantile life, though subsequently a judge, was one of the selectmen and one of the committee of correspondence. John Pitts, of large wealth and of large influence, was a zealous patriot, one of the Provincial Con- gress, and on other boards. James liovel, the schoolmaster, of fair reputation as a scholar, was an efficient patriot and
BOSTON PATRIOTS. 23
was destined to severe suffering on account of his political course. WilJiani.Cjaoper, the town-clerk forty-nine years, the brother of Dr. Cooper, who lived a long and useful life, was one of the most fearless and active of the Whigs. William Moliueaux, a distinguished merchant, an ardent friend to the country, whose labors had proved too much for his constitu- tion, had just died. Pa.ul Revere, an ingenious goldsmith, as ready to engrave a lampoon as to rally a caucus, was the great confidential messenger of the patriots and the great leader of the mechanics. Benjamin Austin, a long time in public life and in responsible offices ; Nathaniel Barber, an influential citizen ; Gibbens Sharpe, a deacon of Dr. Eliot's church, one of the zealous and influential mechanics ; David Jeffries, the town treasurer, a useful citizen and active pat- riot ; Henry Hill, wealthy, of great kindness of heart, and greatly beloved ; Henderson Inches, afterwards filling offices of high trust with great fidelity ; Jonathan Mason, a deacon of one of the churches, one of the opulent merchants, of solid character and great influence ; Timothy Newell, one of the deacons of the Brattle-street church ; William Powell, of large wealth and of great usefulness ; John Rowe, also rich, enterprising and influential ; John Scollay, of much publio spirit, energetic and firm, — all these, and others equally deserving, were actively employed on various committees and in important and hazardous service: They were not the men to engage in a work of anarchy or of revolution. In fact, strictly speaking, their work was not revolutionary. There were no deep-seated political evils to root out. There was no nobility taking care of the masses, no inferior order hating a nobility ; no proud hierarchy in the church, no grinding mo- nopoly in the state. But. there was a social system based on human equality, new in the world, with its value tested by- new results. Hence the patriots did not aim to overturn, but/ to preserve. They asked for the old paths. They claimed,! for their town its ancient rights — for the colony its ancient^ liberties. To them Tfeedonri did not appear as the mstigatoif of license, but as the protector of social order and as the guar- dian genius of commercial enterprise and of moral progress.
24 COLONIAL POLITICS.
/ To their praise be it said, that they counted ease and hixury I and competence as nothing, so long as were denied to them \the rights enjoyed by their ancestors.
Tlie labors of the Boston divines deserve a grateful remem- brance. Some of them, distinguished by their learning and eloquence, were no less distinguished by their hearty oppo- sition to the designs of the British administration. This opposition had been quickened into intense life by the attempts made from time to time to create a hierarchy in the colonies. The Episcopal form of worship was always disagreeable to the Congregationalists ; but it was the power that endeavored to impose it on which their eyes were most steadily fixed. If , Parliament could create dioceses and appoint bishops, it could I introduce tithes and crush heresy. The ministry entertained the design of sending over a bishop to the colonies ; and con- troversy, for years, ran high on this subject. So resolute, however, was the opposition to this project, that it was aban- doned. This controversy, John Adams' says, contributed as much as any other cause to arouse attention to the claims of Parliament. The provisions of the Quebec act were quoted with great effect ; and what had been done for Canada might be done for the other colonies. Hence, few of the Congrega- tional clergy took sides with the government, while many were zealous Whigs ; and thus the pulpit was often brought in aid of the town-meeting and the press. Of the Boston divines, none had been more ardent and decided than Jonathan May- hew, one of the ablest theologians of his day ; but he died in 1766. Dr. Charles Chauncy, Dr. Samuel Cooper, Dr. Andrew Eliot, Dr. Ebenezer Pemberton, Reverends John Lathrop, John Bacon, Simeon Howard, Samuel Stilhnan, were of those who took the popular side. They were the familiar associates and the confidential advisers of the leading patriots ; but by virtue of their ofiice, they were not less familiar or less con- fidential with wide circles of every calling in life, who were playing actively and well an important part, and without whose hearty cooperation the labors of even leading patriots
' Letter, December 2, 1815. The spirit of the time is well represented in a plate in the Political Register of 1769.
i''.ngi'avod for fi'ollunphan;.. IhsLury
all unde iuence such men threw into the
o /.cal and firmness to resold ion, and
, _. ._, ._ cone of public (noinion?- I'Loy ga'fr>
the sanction of lehgion — the hi action, that can ^ili
tli^ " ' " ■ ■ ■ -c
tV .::
l!
factur*:
y, skill, and success
tY
the J _
in their pastor
5-n-^in..*^^-55'^f>5c>'w>'^^ '^
n
^ Tv' ■^* Ir >:
|
H |
i"_ J?'..^f'. j^' |
|||
|
jn |
Mgm^ |
txnvfivVf, |
':'f.;ir,'-:- |
l,.«:i;-»^ . ■ |
4
•■ _^.. ;■^:. ,^<v ; ffr,. 'V.A -^v '^
;»r. . U (■
|
\ |
BOSTON MECHANICS. 25
would have been of little avail. At a time when the pristine reverence for the ministers had hardly declined into respect, who shall undervalue the influence such men threw into the scale, in giving intensity to zeal and firmness to resolution, and thus strengthening the tone of public opinion? They gave the sanction of religion — the highest sanction that can fill the human breast — to the cause of freedom, the holiest cause that can prompt human effort. They nurtured the idea in the people that God was on their side ; and that power, however great, would be arrayed in vain against them. No wonder that, in the day of Lexington, there were men who went to the field of slaughter with the same solemn sense of duty with which they entered the house of worship.^
No description of Boston will be just, that does not make honored mention of Boston mechanics. It was freedom of labor that lay at the bottom of a century's controversy, and none saw it more clearly, or felt it more deeply ; for it was the exercise of this freedom, — the industry, skill, and success of the American mechanics, — that occasioned the acts of the British Parliament, framed to crush the infant colonial manu- factures. The Boston mechanics, as a general thing, were the early and steady supporters of the patriot cause. No temptation could allure them, no threats could terrify them, no Tory argument could reach them. In vain did the loyalists endeavor to tamper with them. "They certainly carryall before them," a letter says. As the troops thickened in Bos- ton, some living in town, and some from the country, without much thought, accepted the chance to work on barracks for their accommodation. It did not, however, last long. " This morning," Newell v/rites, September 26, 1774, " all the car- penters of the town and country that were employed in build- ing barracks for the soldiery left off work at the barracks."
' A Tory letter, dated Boston, September 2, 1774, says :"Some of the min- isters are continually in their sermons stirring up the people to resistance ; an instance of which lately happened in this neighborhood, where the minis- ter, to get his hearers to sign some inflammatory papers, advanced that the signing of them was a material circumstance to their salvation ; on which they flew to the pen with an eagerness that sufiaciently testified their belief in their pastor."
26 COLONIAL POLITICS.
British gold could not buy Boston labor. "New England holds out wonderfully," a letter in September says, "notwith- standing hundreds are already ruined, and thousands half starved." Loyalists from abroad were astonished at such obstinacy. Gage was disappointed and perplexed by this refusal. It was one of the disappointments that met him at every turn. "I was premature," he writes Lord Dartmouth, October 3, 1774, "in telling your lordship that the Boston artificers would work for us. This refusal has thrown us into difficulties." He sent to New York for workmen. The Boston mechanics, through their committee, sent a letter expressing their confidence "that the tradesmen of New York would treat the application as it deserved." The governor at length was successful in getting mechanics from New York and other places, to work for him. The patriotic mechanics of Boston were doomed to a long season of trial and suffering.
The patriots carried on their political action by public meet- ings, by committees, by social clubs, and through the press.
The right of public meeting was always dear to New Eng- land ; and the local assemblies of the towns were used with immense efficiency by the patriots of the Revolution. Here dangerous political measures were presented to the minds of the citizens. Here public opinion was concentrated, sternly set against oppression, and safely directed in organized resist- ance. Great town-meetings were those in Boston, where Samuel Adams was the moderator ; where James Otis, John Adams, and Josiah Quincy, jr., were the orators ; where lib- erty was the grand inspiration theme; and where those to respond to the burning words were substantial, intelligent men, in earnest about their rights ! The government' had long
' Governor Gage summoned the selectmen to meet at the Province House, August 13, when he abruptly handed them the clause about town-meetings, and read it to them. He was going out of town ; and if a meeting was wanted, he would allow one to be called, if he should judge it expedient. The selectmen told him they had no occasion for calling a meeting — they had one alive. The governor looked .serious, and said " He must think of that. By thus doing they could keep the meetings alive for ten years." The select- men replied that the provincial law would be the rule of their conduct ; when the governor stated that he was determined to enforce the act of Parliament, and they must be answerable for any bad consequences. — Boston Records ;
BOSTON MEETINGS. 27
felt their effect, and dreaded their influence. This was the reason why the regulating act prohibited them after the first of August, and why Governor Gage summoned the selectmen to the Province House to tell them that he should enforce the act. The selectmen remarked that they should be governed by the law of the province. Now, the clause framed to strangle free speech was clear enough as to prohibition, but was silent as to adjournment. Hence, the source of the sedi- tious mischief, which the British ministry expected this clause would dry up, continued as prolific as ever. Hence, meetings called before the first of August were kept alive for weeks and months ; and they might be kept alive, remarked Gage, for years. The governor and his advisers were puzzled. They dared not order the troops to kill them ; and to their infinite annoyance, the patriots continued to thunder in the forum. The people flocked in crowds to Faneuil Hall, a place redolent with the blossoming of young America. When this overflowed, the resort was to the Old South Church, which hence has not inaptly-been called the Sanctuary of Freedom. But in case an obnoxious office was to be resigned, or a patriotic agreement was to be entered into, or a public measure was to be lampooned, the concourse flocked to Liberty Tree, where, agreeably to previous notice, the invisible genius of the place had displayed the satirical emblems, or procured table, paper, and pens. It was a fine large old elm, near the Boylston Market. A staff ran through it, reaching above it, on which a flag was displayed, and an inscription was put on it, stating that it was pruned by order of the Sons of Liberty in 1766. All processions saluted it as an emblem of the popular cause. No wonder it put the royal governors in mind of Jack Cade's Oak of Reformation.'
The labors of the town-officers and of the committees, at this time, were arduous and important. The selectmen con- fined their labors chiefly to municipal concerns, though they often met with the committee of correspondence. At a crisis when so much depended on the good order of the town, their
Boston Gazette, August 15. General Gage, September 2, writes of this clause in the act : No persons I have advised with can tell what to do with it. ' Governor Bernard's letter, June 16, 1773.
3
28 COLONIAL POLITICS.
services were required to be unusually energetic and judicious. A committee of safety was chosen, to devise measures for the alarming emergency. A large and respectable committee was appointed to receive the contributions sent from abroad, and distribute them among the citizens. This was called the Donation Committee, which was in commnnication with pat- riots from every colony from Canada to Georgia, and even from the western parts of Virginia ; and the letters, in reply to those they received, contain descriptions of the sufferings of the inhabitants, and express gratitude for the relief The committee of correspondence, however, was the great execu- tive of the patriot party, — the mainspring of its movements. It had long acted the part of a faithful sentinel on the watch- tower. It promptly framed important news from abroad, or important action at home, into hand-bills, and despatched them to local committees, to be laid before the town-meetings of a hundred communities. It was the great counsellor of the Whigs. Besides meeting with the selectmen, it often sum- moned the committees of the neighboi^ng towns' for consul- tation. In this way this admirable machinery was kept in constant play. Thus measures that might startle the timid by their boldness were carefully weighed in their inception, and concert of action with other towns was secured.^
' One of the notices is as follows :
"Gentlemen, — Our enemies proceed with such rapidity, and execute their measures so successfully, by the assistance of enemies in this and the neig'hboring towns, that we are constrained to request your presence and advice immediately. Matters of such extreme importance now claim your attention, that the least delay may prove fatal. We therefore entreat your company at Fanueil Hall, at five o'clock this afternoon, with such com- mittees in your neighborhood as you can influence to attend on so short a notice. We are your friends and fellow-countrymen,
" Nath'l Appleton, " Per order of the Committee of Correspondence. " Boston, Tuesday, September 27, 17T4. " The Committee of Correspondence of Charlestown."
■■^The Committee of Safety chosen July 26, 1774, were : James Bowdoin, Samuel Adams, John Adams, John Hancock, William Phillips, Joseph War- ren, Josiah Quincy.
The Selectmen chosen March, 1774, were : John Scollay, John Hancock,
BOSTON CLUBS. 29
Boston was literally full of clubs and caucuses, which were used with great effect to secure unity of action. Here town politics were freely talked over, and political measures were determined upon. A club of leading patriots, mostly lawyers and merchants — such as Adams, Otis, and Molineaux — were accustomed to meet at private dwellings, often at William Cooper's house in Brattle-square. John Adams has given a good idea of the conviviality as well as of the gravity of their meetings. The mechanics had their clubs. One of them often met at the Green Dragon Tavern. One of their import- ant duties at this time was to watch the movements of the troops and the Tories. "We were so careful," Paul Revere writes, " that our meetings should be kept secret, that every time we met every person swore upon the Bible that he would not discover any of our transactions but to Messrs. Hancock, Adams, Doctors Warren, Church, and one or two more." The engine companies were larger clubs, some of which had writ- ten agreements to "aid and assist" the town "to the utmost of their powers" in opposing the acts of Parliament. The most celebrated of these clubs, however, were three caucuses, — the North End Caucus, the South End Caucus, and the Middle District Caucus. They were rather societies than the public meetings understood by this term at the present time. They agreed whom they would support for town officers, whom they would name on committees, what instructions they would pass, what im.portant measures they would carry out. Thus the
Timothy Newell, Thomas Marshall, Samuel Austin, Oliver Wendell, John Pitts ; Town Clerk, William Cooper ; Town Treasurer, David Jeffries.
The Donation Committee were : Samuel Adams, John Rowe, Thomas Boylston, William Phillips, Joseph Warren, John Adams, Josiah Quincy, jr., Thomas Cushing, Henderson Inches, William Molineaux, Nathaniel Apple- ton, Fortesque Vernon, Edward Proctor, John White, Gibbins Sharpe, Wil- liam Mackay, Thomas Greenough, Samuel Partidge, Benjamin Austin, Jonathan Mason, John Brown, James Richardson, Thomas Crafts, jr., Henry Hill, Joshua Henshaw, jr., David Jeffries.
The Committee of Correspondence chosen 1772 were : James Otis, Sam iiel Adams, Joseph Warren, Dr. Benjamin Church, William Dennie. William Greenleaf, Joseph Greenleaf, Thomas Young, William Powell, Nathaniel Appleton, Oliver Wendell, John Sweetser, Josiah Quincy, jr., John Brad- ford, Richard Boynton, William Mackay, Nathaniel Barber, Caleb Davis, Alexander Hill, William Molineaux, Robert Pierpont.
30 COLONIAL POLITICS.
North End Caucus — the original records of which are before me — voted, October 23, 1773, that they "would oppose with their lives and fortunes the vending of any tea" that might be sent by the East India Company. Again, on the 2d of November, after appointing a committee of three to wait on the committee of correspondence and desire their attendance, and another committee of three to invite John Hancock to meet with them, the caucus voted that the tea shipped by the East India Company should not be landed. A good under- standing was kept up with the other two caucuses, and com- mittees of conference were often appointed to communicate their proceedings and desire a concurrence/
' The records of the North End " caucos " extend from March 23, 1772, to May 17, 1774. On the first leaf is the memorandum, "Began 17G7 — records lost." On the cover, under the date of March 23, there is a list of sixty persons, probably the members of the caucus. The Adamses, Warren, Church and Molineaux, were members : but the names of Hancock, Bow- doin, or Gushing, are not on the list. On the 3d of November, a commit- tee was chosen to get a flag for Liberty Tree.
The clubs, however, were of earlier date than 1767. I am indebted to Hon. C. F. Adams for the following extracts from the diary of his grand- father, John Adams, in relation to their meetings :
"Boston, Feb. 1, 1763. — This day learned that the Caucus Club meets at certain times in the garret of Tom Dawes, the adjutant of the Boston regi- ment. He has a large house, and he has a movable partition in his garrett, which he takes down, and the whole club meet in one room. There they smoke tobacco till you cannot see from one end of the garret to the other. There they drink flip, I suppose, and there they choose a moderator, who puts questions to the vote regularly ; and selectmen, assessors, collectors, war- dens, firewards, and representatives, are regularly chosen before they are chosen in the town. Uncle Fairfield, Story, Ruddock, Adams, Cooper, and a rudis indigestaque moles of others, are members. They send committees to wait on the Merchant's Club, and to propose and join in the choice of men and measures. Captain Cunningham says they have often solicited him to go to these caucuses, — they have assured him benefit in his business, &e.
Dec. 23, 1765. — Went into Mr. Dudley's, Mr. Dana's, Mr. Otis's office, and then to Mr. Adams's, and went with him to the Monday night club. There I found Otis, Cushing, Wells, Pemberton, Gray, Austin, two Waldos, Inches, (Dr. Parker?) and spent the evening very agreeably. Politicians all at this club.
Jany. 15, 1766. — Spent the evening with the Sons of Liberty at their own apartment in Hanover-square, near the Tree of Liberty. It is a compt- ing room in Chase and Speakman's distillery — a very small room it is.
THE BOSTON PRESS. 31
The press was used by the patriots with great activity and effect. The Boston Gazette and the Massachusetts Spy were the principal Whig journals, of the five weekly newspapers printed this year in Boston. The Gazette had for a long time been the main organ of the popular party ; and it was through its columns that Otis, the Adamses, Quincy, and Warren, addressed the public. In fact, no paper on the continent took a more active part in politics, or more ably supported the rights of the colonies. Its tone was generally dignified, and its articles were often elaborate. The Massachusetts Spy was more spicy, more in the partisan spirit, less scrupulous in matter, and aimed less at elegance of composition than at clear, direct, and efficient appeal. In two years after its estab- lishment it had the largest circulation of any paper in New England. Its pungent paragraphs annoyed the loyalists. The soldiers at home threatened its editor with tar and feath- ers, — the Tories abroad burnt him in effigy. The boldness, firmness, and ability of these journals did invaluable service to the cause of freedom. The Tories acknowledged the effect of them. "The changes," says the Tory Massachusettensis, "have been rung so often upon oppression, tyranny, and slavery, that, whether sleeping or waking, they are contin- ually vibrating in our ears." They are yet vibrating in the world/
John Avery, distiller or merchant, of a liberal education ; John Smith, the brazier ; Thomas Crafts, the painter ; Edes, the printer ; Stephen Cleverly, the brazier ; Chase, the distiller ; Joseph Field, master of a vessel ; Henry Bass, George Trott, jeweller, were present. I was invited by Crafts and Trott to go and spend an evening with them and some others. Avery was mentioned to me as one. I went, and was very civilly and respectfully treated by all present. We had punch, wine, pipes and tobacco, biscuit and cheese, &c. I heard nothing but such conversation as passes at all clubs among gen- tlemen about the times. No plots, no machinations. They chose a com- mittee to make preparations for grand rejoicings upon the arrival of the news of the repeal of the Stamp Act."
' The five newspapers printed in Boston, in 1774, were as follows : The Boston Evening Post, on Monday mornings. It was first an evening paper. It was printed by Thomas and John Fleet. This journal contained many articles from the pens of the Whigs, but it appears also to have been employed by the government. The Boston News-Letter was published by Margaret Draper, widow of Richard Draper, and her partner, Robert Boyle,
3*
32 COLONIAL POLITICS.
The patriots did not carry their measures without oppo- sition. The Revokition was no unanimous work ; and the closer it is studied, the more difficult and more hazardous it will be found to have been. In Boston, the opposition, the Tories, were respectable in number, and strong in character and ability. General Gage expected much from them ; ' for though they were comparatively inactive when he arrived, yet he was assured that, after his troops were concentrated so as to afford them protection, many would come out boldly for the government who had been intimidated by "the faction." One of the last rallies of the Tory party — one of their strongest contests with the Whigs — was at a town-meeting held in June, when one of their number made a motion to censure and annihilate the committee of correspondence. They were patiently heard in support of it, — Samuel Adams leaving the chair, and mingling in the debate. No reports of town-meeting speeches are extant ; but the Tory speaker would be bold and vehement against this busy committee. " This is the foulest, subtlest, and most venomous serpent that ever issued from the eggs of sedition. It is the source of the rebellion. I saw the small seed when it was implanted ; it was as a grain of mustard. I have watched the plant until it has become a great tree ; the vilest reptiles that crawl upon the earth are concealed at the root ; the fou]est birds of the air rest upon its branches. I now would induce you to go to work immediately with axes and hatchets, and cut it down, for a two-fold reason : — because it is a pest to society, and lest it be felled suddenly by a stronger arm, and crush its thou-
in Newbury-street. They separated before the commencement of hostilities, when John Howe became her partner, and remained in business with her until the British troops left Boston, when the News-Letter ended. It was the only paper printed in Boston during the siege. The chief organ of the government party was the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post-Boy and Advertiser, published by Mills and Hicks. It was patronized by tlie officers of the crown, and attracted the most notice from the Whigs. The Boston Gazette and Country Journal was printed by Benjamin Edes and John Gill. The Massachusetts Spy was printed by Isaiah Thomas. — Thomas' History of Printing.
• See Gage's Letter, on page 7.
BOSTON LOYALISTS. 33
sands in the fall." ' And great must have been the patriot, Samuel Adams, in reply to such a strain. He was not only the father, but he was the soul, of this committee ; and his deepest feelings would be aroused to defend it. "On such occasions," John Adams writes, "he erected himself, or rather nature seemed to erect him, without the smallest symptom of affectation, into an upright dignity of figure and gesture, and gave a harmony to his voice, which made a strong impression on spectators and auditors, — the more lasting for the purity, correctness, and nervous elegance of his style." The meeting began in Faneuil Hall, and it ended in the Old South. The committee, instead of being annihilated, were thanked for their patriotic action. One hundred and twenty-nine of the citizens made their protest against the proceedings. An oppo- sition that could muster so strong was one not to be despised. "A number of the better sort of people," General Gage writes, July 5, "attended town-meeting in Boston with a design to make a push to pay for the tea, and annihilate the committee of correspondence, but they were outvoted by a great number of the lower class."
The Tories were severe in their condemnation of the pat- riot cause, and confident of the power of Great Britain to crush it. " The annals of the world," Massachusettensis says, " have not yet been deformed with a single instance of so unnatural, so causeless, so wanton, so wicked a rebellion." Should hostilities commence, "New England would stand recorded a singular monument of human folly and wicked- ness." Then nothing short of a miracle could gain the patri-
' Massachusettensis. Edition 1819, pp. 159, 165.
This was by far the ablest of the Tory writers. Trumbull says it was the last combined effort of Tory wit and argument to write down the Revolution. Hence in McFingal the poet writes :
Did not our Massachusettensis
For your conviction strain his senses ;
Scrawl every moment he could spare
From cards and barbers and the fair ;
Show, clear as sun in noon-day heavens,
You did not feel a single grievance ;
Demonstrate all your opposition
Sprung from the eggs of foul sedition ?
34 COLONIAL POLITICS.
ots one battle, and hence there was but one step between them and nun. The Tory descriptions of the men "whose ambi- tion wantonly opened the sources of civil discord " were equally severe. They were called "the faction," consisting of "calves, knaves, and fools," and not numbering "a fourth part of the inhabitants." Their motives were described as the most selfish and unworthy. The majority were "an ignorant mob, led on and inflamed by self-interested and profligate men." " The town-meeting was the hot-bed of sedition." Incessant were the sneers in the British journals and pamphlets against " the Boston saints." " The venerable forefathers of the loyal saints of Boston" were rebels when they deposed Andros, and "their hopeful progeny" were reb- els against George III. Long had the Bostonians cherished a desire of independence : " Many years' observation has con- vinced me," one in 1774 writes, " that the Bostonians wanted to throw ofl" the authority of Great Britain." The merchants were characterized as smugglers, and " the smugglers were the main body of the patriots." " The merchants," a Boston let- ter says, "form a part of those seditious herds of fools and knaves which assemble on all important occasions in Faneuil Hall, in the House of Representatives, or in the Council Chamber, at Boston ; in which places, with the most sanctified countenances, they preface their wise and learned harangues, and their treasonable votes and resolves, with humbly beseech- ing the Almighty to stand forth the champion of rebellion." " The generality of young Bostonians are bred up hypocrites in religion, and pettifoggers in law." In a word, Boston was represented as the seat of all the opposition to the ministry ; and this opposition was represented as confined to "the fac- tion" in Boston. "The demons of folly, falsehood, madness, and rebellion, seem to have entered into the Boston saints, along with their chief, the angel of darkness." These phrases may be thought unworthy to be introduced here. But it was the information that was sent to England concerning the character, motives, and extent of the patriot party ; and it was the information on which the British ministry chose to rely.'
* These phrases are taken from the newspapers, and a sharply written pamphlet, entitled " Letters, &c.," " Humbly inscribed to the very loyal and
BOSTON DAILY NEWS. 35
How vivid would be the picture of Boston in this eventful period, — of its hopes and fears, of its intense mental hfe, — could the daily news be given as it was spoken in groups in the streets, or in the social gathering ; and could the feelings with which it was received be realized ! Eagerly would the inhabitants devour up each new report. "Samuel Adams writes that things go on in the Continental Congress, without any motion of our members, as perfectly to his liking as if he were sole director." "John Adams writes, there is a gieat spirit in the Congress, and that we must furnish ourselves with artillery, and arms, and ammunition, but avoid war if possible — if possible." " The members of our General Court, though Gage dissolved them, mean to stick to the charter, and have resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress." "Their proceedings are carried on in secret ; but Dr. Warren says, the debates are worthy of an assembly of Spartans or ancient Romans, and their votes are worthy of a people determined to be free." "Our friends abroad say that Great Britain is determined to force the regulating act down our throats, and that the people have too generally got the idea thjLj; Americans are all cowards and poltroons." '^Josiah Quincy, jr., writes for us to prepare for the worst, for it is a serious truth in which our friends there are all agreed, that our countrymen must seal their cause with their blood." "Our old Louis- burg soldiers laugh at the newly erected fortifications, and say they are mud walls in comparison with what they have subdued ; and that, if necessary, they would regard them no more than a beaver dam." "Our woollen manufactory is getting along finely, and has just turned out a large quantity
truly pious Doctor Samuel Cooper, pastor of the Congregational Church in Brattle-street." "Boston: Printed by order of the selectmen, and sold at Donation Hail, for the benefit of the distressed patriots, 1775."
The London Chronicle, 1774, thus describes the patriots, after the Port Bill had arrived : " The faction of Boston are now in the same condition that all people feel themselves in after having committed some signal outrage against the laws ; at first they support one another by talking over tiieir spirited exertions, and praising each other's bravery ; but these vain notions soon evaporate, and the dread of punishment taKes possession of their minds, upon which they become as low-spirited and dastardly as they were before outrageous and overbearing."
36 COLONIAL POLITICS.
of baizes, and we see that we can make any kind of linens or woollens." " Mrs. Gushing says she hopes there are none of us but would sooner wrap ourselves in sheep-skins and goat-skins than buy English goods of a people who have in- suhed us in such a scandalous manner." ^ " Two of the great- est military characters of the age are visiting this distressed town, — General Gharles Lee, who has served in Poland, and Golonel Israel Putnam, whose bravery and character need no description." " The collectors have begun to pay the pub- lic moneys to the people's treasurer ; and the king's treasurer, Gray, gives notice (October 31) that he shall soon issue his distress warrant to collect the taxes from the constables and collectors." "Peters, the Tory minister, writes (September 28) that six regiments, with men-of-war, are coming over ; and as soon as they come hanging work will go on, and that destruction will begin at the seaport towns, and that the lintel sprinkled on the side-posts will preserve the faithful." "Last week, at the field-day at Marblehead, the regiment did not fire a single volley, nor waste a kernel of powder." "Another regiment of red-coats marched proudly up King- street to-day, music playing, colors flying, bayonets gleaming, and encamped on the common." " John Adams says that the great Virginia orator, Patrick Henry, on being told that it was Major Hawley's opinion that ' We must fight, and make prep- aration for it,' solemnly averred, ' I am of that man's mind.' " Such phrases now are mere words. Then they were things. And as they went into happy homes, they made the father
' This expression is taken from a Ms. letter written by the wife of Thomas Cashing, then in Congress, dated Boston, September 21, 1774. She writes : " My spirits were very good until one Saturday, riding into town, I found the Neck beset with soldiers, the cannon hoisted, — many Tories on the Neck, and many more going up to see the encampment with the greatest pleasure in their countenances, which, I must confess, gave a damp to my spirits which I had not before felt. But I hope the rod of the wicked wont always rest upon us, and that the triumph will be but short. None of our friends think of moving themselves or house furniture at present. When it is necessary, I doubt not I shall have many good friends to advise and ;issist me. I hope there are none of us but wMfet would sooner wrap themselves in sheep and goat-skins than buy English goods of a people who have insulted them in such a scandalous manner."
BOSTON SUFFERING. 37
thoughtful and solemn, and the mother's heart throb with intenser anxiety. It was felt that the shadows in the horizon were not to pass away as the summer cloud, but were length- ening and deepening, and gathering with angry portent. They heralded the coming of that terrible calamity, civil war. While such was the mental life of Boston, how changed had become its material aspect ! How still its streets, how deserted its wharves, how dull its marts ! The Port Bill not only cut off its foreign trade, but the whole of its domestic trade by water. Did a lighter attempt to land hay from the islands, or a boat to bring in sand from the neighboring hills, or a scow to freight to it lumber or iron, or a float to land sheep, or a farmer to carry marketing over in the ferry-boats, the argus-eyed fleet was ready to see it, and prompt to cap- ture or destroy.* Not a raft or a keel was allowed to approach the town with merchandise. Many of the stores, especially all those on Long Wharf, were closed. In a word, Boston had fairly entered on its season of suffering. Did its inhab- itants expostulate on the severity with which the law was carried out, the insulting reply was, that to distress them was the very object of the bill. As though the deeper the iron entered into the soul, the sooner and the more complete would be the submission. Citizens of competence were reduced to want ; the ever hard lot of the poor became harder. To maintain order and preserve life, at so trying a season, called for nerve and firmness. Work was to be provided when there was no demand for the products of labor, and relief was to be distributed according to the circumstances of the applicants. The donation committee sat every day, Sun- days excepted, to distribute the supplies. An arrangement was made with the selectmen, by which a large number were employed to repair and pave the streets, and hundreds were employed in brick-yards laid out on the Neck.*^ Manufactories
^ Boston Gazette, October 17, 1774. ^ Report of the donation committee. One seventh of all the contributions were assigned to Charlestown. The letters of this committee are among the Mss. in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. Contributions continued to be received in Boston until the com mencement of hostilities ; they were also made for the poor of Boston a long time afterwards.
38 COLONIAL POLITICS.
of various kinds were established ; the building of vessels and of houses and setting up blacksmith-shops were among the projects started. The means to carry on all this business were derived from the contributions. This forced labor, how- ever, ill compared with that voluntary activity which had so long characterized the metropolis ; and a visiter to it, during the gloomy winter of 1774 — 5, would have seen little of that commerce which had raised "the great town" to its high prosperity.
All eyes then were fixed on Boston ; and until its evacu- ation, it continued to be regarded with warm sympathy, with intense interest, and at times with fearful apprehension. A hostile fleet surrounded it without, a formidable military were assembling within. Tents covered its fields, cannon were planted on its eminences, and troops daily paraded in its streets. Thus, in addition to the destruction of its trade, it wore the aspect, and became subject to the vexations, of a garrisoned place. It was cheerful only to the adherents of the British ministry, for it was the only spot in Massachusetts where the governor was in authority, and where the laws of Parliament were in force. Hence, those repaired to it for pro- tection who had become obnoxious to the people by their zeal in behalf of the government. Hence, General Gage, his crown-appointed councillors, and the official functionaries, were obliged to live in a town in which the dignity of his Britannic majesty required that not one of them should reside.^ Hence, the custom-house was of necessity located in a port from which the British Parliament had proscribed all trade. Boston received from every quarter assurances of support. Salem spurned the idea of rising on the ruins of its neighbor ; Marblehead generously offered the inhabitants the use of its wharves ; the Provincial Congress and the Continental Con- gress recommended contributions for its relief; donations of money, clothing, and provisions, continued to pour into it; while visions of the better days in store for it cheered patriot hearts. "I view it," Mrs. Adams writes, "with much the same sensations that I should the body of a departed friend ; — as having only put off its present glory to rise finally to a more
■ See Dartmouth's letter to Gage, p. 5.
BOSTON AND THE COUNTRY. 39
happy state." * Boston, on its part, did not falter in its course, nor did it relax its efforts. Its committees, in replies to let- ters that tendered aid and sympathy from abroad, sent out words full of reliance on the right, and of confidence in an ultimate triumph ; and its town-meetings continued their pat- riotic action. Boston (September 22, 1774) instructed its representatives to adhere to the old charter, — "to do nothing that could possibly be construed into an acknowledgement" of the regulating act ; and if the legislature should be dis- solved, to joih in a Provincial Congress, and act in such man- ner as "most likely to preserve the liberties of all America."'^ It pursued steadily the course laid out for it,' that of patient suffering. Hence it became so quiet, that the royal officers
1 Mrs. Adams dates this letter, Boston Garrison, 22d September, 1774. — Letters, p. 19. ^ Boston Records.
^ The patriots were occasionally cheered by a song. The following is copied from the Essex Gazette of October 25, 1774 : —
LIBERTY SONG. Tune — Smile Britannia.
I. IV.
Ye sons of freedom, smile ! Tho' troops upon our ground
America unites ; Have strong entrenchments made,
And friends in Britain's isle Tho' ships the town surround,
Will vindicate our rights ; With all their guns displayed,
In spite of Ga — s hostile train, 'T will not the free-born spirit tame,
We will our liberties maintain. Or force us to renounce our claim.
II. V.
Boston, be not dismayed. Our Charter-Rights we claim,
Tho' tyrants now oppress ; Granted in ancient times,
Tho' fleets and troops invade, Since our Forefathers came
You soon will have redress : First to these western climes :
The resolutions of the brave Nor will their sons degenerate.
Will injured Massachusetts save. They freedom love — oppression hate.
III. VI.
The delegates have met ; If Ga — e should strike the blow.
For wisdom all renowned ; We must for Freedom fight.
Freedom we may expect Undaunted courage show,
From politics profound. While we defend our right ;
Illustrious Congress, may each name In spite of the oppressive band.
Be crowned with immortal fame ! Maintain the freedom of the Land. 4
40 COLONIAL POLITICS.
ascribed it to fear and to submission.' But the patriots saw in this calmness, this forbearance, this absence of tumult, a high and necessary duty. It was such moderation and firm- ness that made the cause of Boston the cause of the other colonies. Its praise was in the midst of every village, and in the mouth of every patriot. "We think it happy for America," Charlestown, with prophetic accuracy, wrote to Boston, " that you are placed in the front rank of the conflict; and with gratitude acknowledge your vigilance, activity, and firmness in the common cause, which will be admired by gen- erations yet unborn.'"^
The Boston patriots had warned their fellow-countrymen that the new acts could not fail to "bring on a most import- ant and decisive trial." ^ Though the day of this trial had come, though it had been resolved to resist at all hazards the execution of these acts, yet they were anxious to postpone, until it was absolutely necessary, a collision with the British troops, and had agreed upon a plan for this purpose.^ Before a contest took place, they hoped to receive the assurance that other colonies would make common cause with Massachusetts. In this hope they were not disappointed. Governor Gage was astonished to witness the spread of the union spirit, — that so many " should interest themselves so much in behalf of Mas- sachusetts." "I find," he writes September 20, 1774, "they have some warm friends in New York and Philadelphia," and "that the people of Charleston (S. C.) are as mad as they are here." Again, on the 25th, he writes : " This province is supported and abetted by others beyond the conception of most people, and foreseen by none. The disease was believed to have been confined to the town of Boston, from whence it might have been eradicated, no doubt, without a great deal of
' An officer, November 3, 1774, says -."The faction in Boston is now very low. Believe me, all ranks of people are heartily tired of disorder and con- fusion ; and as soon as the determination of Great Britain to despise their resolves and petitions is known, all will be very quiet."
^Hist. Charlestown, 300. ^ See the remarkable letter of Boston, dated July 26, 1774, written when these acts were "every day expected."
* Dr. Warren, August 27, 1774, writes : " As yet we have been preserved fi-om action with the soldiery, and we shall endeavor to avoid it until we see that it is necessary, and a settled plan is fixed on for that purpose."
THE MILTTIA ORGANIZED. 41
trouble, and it might have been the case some time ago ; but now it is universal, — there is no knowing where to apply a remedy."
Governor Gage issued writs, dated September 1, convening the General Court at Salem on the 5th of October, but dis- solved it by a proclamation dated September 28, 1774. The members elected to it, pursuant to the course agreed upon resolved themselves into a Provincial Congress. This body, on the 26th of October, adopted a plan for organizing the militia, maintaining it, and calling it out when circumstances should render it necessary. It provided that one quarter of the number enrolled should be held in readiness to muster at the shortest notice, who were called by the popular name of minute-men. An executive authority — the Committee of Safety — was created, clothed with large discretionary pow- ers ; and another, called the Committee of Supplies. On the 27th Jedediah Preble, (who did not accept,) Artemas Ward, and Seth Pomeroy, were chosen general officers ; and on the 28th, Henry Gardner was chosen treasurer of the colony, under the title of Receiver-General. Among the energetic acts of this memorable Congress, was one authorizing the col- lection of military stores. It dissolved December 10. The- committee of safety, as early as November, authorized the purchase of materials for an army, and ordered them to be deposited at Concord and Worcester. These proceedings were denounced by General Gage, in a proclamation dated Novem- ber 10, as treasonable, and a compliance with them was for- bidden. In a short time the king's speech and the action of Parliament were received, which manifested a firm determin- ation to produce submission to the late acts, and to maintain "the supreme authority" of Great Britain over the colonies. General Gage regarded this intelligence as having "cast a damp upon the faction," and as having produced a happy effect upon the royalist cause. However, a second Provincial Congress (February 1 to 16, 1775) renewed the measures of its predecessor ; and gave definiteness to the duties of the committee of safety, by "empowering and directing" them (on the 9th of February) to assemble the militia whenever it was required to resist the execution of the two acts, for alter-
42 COLONIAL POLITICS.
ing the government and the administration of justice. At the same time it appointed two additional generals, John Thomas and William Heath, and made it the duty of the five general officers to take charge of the militia when called out by the committee of safety, and to "effectually oppose and resist such attempt or attempts as shall be made for carrying into execution by force " the two acts. In a spirited address, Con- gress appealed to the towns for support. It urged that, when invaded by oppression, resistance became " the Christian and social duty of each individual;" and it enjoined the people never to yield, but, with a proper sense of dependence on God, defend those rights which Heaven gave them, and no one ought to take from them. '
The conviction was fast becoming general that force only could decide the contest. Stimulated and sustained by such a public opinion, the committees of safety and supplies were diligent, through the gloomy months of winter, in collecting and storing at Concord and Worcester materials for the main- tenance of an army. The towns, which had done so fear- lessly and so thoroughly the necessary preparatory work of forming and concentrating political sentiment, came forward now to complete their patriotic action by voting money freely to arm, equip, and discipline " Alarm List^Companies." Cit- izens of every calling appeared in their ranks. To be a pri- vate in them was proclaimed by the journals to be an honor ; to be chosen to office in them, to be a mark of the highest distinction. In Danvers the deacon of the parish was elected captain of the minute-men, and the minister his lieutenant. These minute-men were trained often — the towns paying the expense ; when the company, after its field exercises, would sometimes repair to the meeting-house to hear a patriotic ser- mon, or partake of an entertainment at the town-house, where zealous "Sons of Liberty" would exhort them to prepare to fight bravely for God and their country. Such was the dis-
' Journals of the Provincial Congress. Of this Congress Joseph Warren wrote, November 21, 1774 — " About two hundred and sixty members were present. You would have thought yourself in an assembly of Spartans, or ancient Romans, had you been a witness to the ardor which inspired those who spoke upon the important business they were transacting."
THE BRITISH ARMY. 43
cipline, — so free from a mercenary spirit — so full of inspiring influences, — of the early American soldiery. And thus an army, in fact, was in existence, ready, at a moment's call, for defensive purposes, to wheel its isolated platoons into solid phalanxes ; while it presented to an enemy only the opportu- nity of an inglorious foray upon its stores.'
In the mean time troops continued to arrive in Boston. On the 17th of November the whole force consisted of eleven regiments, and the artillery. In December five hundred marines landed from the Asia. At this time nearly all the regiments which had been ordered from Quebec, Nev/ York, and the Jerseys, had arrived. Mechanics had been brought from abroad to build barracks for their accommodation during the winter, and they Avere all under cover. "Our army," a British officer writes, December 26, 1774, "is in high spirits; and at present this town is pretty quiet. We get plenty of pro- visions, cheap and good in their kind ; we only regret that necessity obliges us to enrich, by purchasing from a set of people we would wish to deprive of so great an advantage. Our parade is a very handsome one ; three hundred and seven- ty men mount daily, and more are expected soon ; a field officer's guard of one hundred and fifty men, at the lines on the Neck. The army is brigaded. The first brigadier-gen- eral. Earl Percy ; major of brigade, Moncreiff" ; second brig- adier, Pigott ; major of brigade. Small ; third brigade, Jones ;
'Many paragraphs of similar character to the following appear in the journals :
"On the 2d of this instant the minute-company of the town of Lunenburg, consisting of fifty-seven able-bodied men, appeared in arms on the parade, at 10 o'clock, A. M., and after going through the several miUtary manoeuvres, they marched to a public-house, where the officers had provided an elegant dinner for the company, a number of the respectable inhabitants of the town, and patriotic ministers of the towns adjacent. At two o'clock, p. m., they marched in military procession to the meeting-house, where the Rev. Mr. Adams delivered an excellent sermon, suitable to the occasion, from Psalm xxvii. 3. The whole business of the day was performed with decency, order, and to the satisfaction of a very large number of spectators. On the day following, the freeholders ^nd other inhabitants of the town assembled in legal town-meeting, and voted £100, L. m., for the purpose of purchasing fire-arms with bayonets, and other implements of war, agreeable to the ad- vice of the late Provincial Congress."— Essex Gazette, January 17, 1775. 4*
44 COLONIAL POLITICS.
major of brigade, Hutchinson." Another officer, in a letter written a month previous, shows what the army thought of their antagonists. " As to what you hear of their taking arms to resist the force of England, it is mere bullying, and will go no further than words ; whenever it comes to blows, he that can run the fastest will think himself best off: believe me, any two regiments here ought to be decimated if they did not beat, in the field, the whole force of the Massachusetts prov- ince ; for though they are numerous, they are but a mere mob, without order or discipline, and very awkward at handling their arms."
POLICY OF GENERAL GAGE. 45
CHAPTER II.
Firmness of the Patriots. Policy of General Gage. Movements of the British Troops. Expedition to Concord. Gathering of the Minute-men. Retreat of the British Troops.
The Massachusetts patriots were never more determined to resist the new acts of ParUament, and were never more con- fident in their abihty to maintain their ground, than on the commencement of the new year. The north and the south had coimsehed and acted together in the memorable First Continental Congress, and it had been demonstrated that one purpose animated the colonies. This Congress, also, had approved of the stand which Massachusetts had resolved to make against Great Britain. Still, up to this time, a vast majority of the patriots of the other colonies looked rather to non-importation and non-consumption, than to a resort to arms, as a means of obtaining redress. And the fear was enter- tained and expressed, that Massachusetts, smarting under accumulated wrong, might break the line of a prudent oppo- sition, and rashly plunge into civil war. Hence the leading patriots of this colony were so desirous, that when a collision did take place, the British troops should be clearly the aggres- sors. Besides, delay would enable them to increase their means to carry on so great a contest ; while every new act of aggression, every attempt to compel submission, would tend to unite all in a common cause. By such a policy, they hoped, in the trial which they felt was coming, to secure the coopera- tion of the other colonies.
General Gage, for more than three months, put this policy to a severe test. He had tried every means " to spirit up every friend to the government," and yet his plans had been most adroitly thwarted, and he could see no other course to take but to disarm the colonists. This policy had been sug- gested by Lord Dartmouth,' but General Gage frankly informed
' Gage's letter, December 15, 1774. He writes, — " Your lordship's idea
46 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
the minister that it was not practicable without a resort to force, and without being master of the country. As early as November 2, 1774, Gage wrote that he was confident, to begin with an army twenty thousand strong would, in the end, save Great Britain blood and treasure. * He had now — Jan- uary, 1775 — only a force of about thirty-five hundred. Yet, as the excitement of the preceding summer had passed away, he regarded the aspect of affairs as favorable for the work of disarming and of intimidating. Hence, on the 18th of Jan- uary, 1775, he wrote to Lord Dartmouth that it was the opinion of most people, " If a respectable force is seen in the field, the most obnoxious of the leaders seized, and a pardon proclaimed for all others, government will come off victorious, and with less opposition than was expected a few months ago."^ And this was the policy — to be followed by such momentous results — that General Gage now proceeded to carry out.
He felt a gleam of hope from an application he received, about this time, from Marshfield. General Timothy Ruggles, the great leader of the loyalists, proposed the formation of associations throughout the colony, with constitutions binding those who signed them to oppose, at the risk of life, the acts of all unconstitutional assemblies, such as committees and congresses. In January, a large number of the people of Marshfield signed one of these constitutions, and thus formed a " Loyal Association." It was reported that the patriots of Plymouth had determined to make them recant, and hence the associators applied to General Gage for protection. He was gratified with this request, and accordingly, January 23, 1775, he sent Captain Balfour, with about a hundred men and three hundred stand of arms, to Marshfield. The troops were joy- fully received by the loyalists, and were comfortably accom-
of disarming certain provinces would doubtless be consistent with prudence and safety, but it neither is or has been practicable without having recourse to force, and being master of the country."
' This phrase will not be found in the Parliamentary Register of 1775. It was copied by President Sparks, from the original. — Sparks' Washington, vol. HI., p. 506.
''Sparks' Washington, vol. iii., p. 507.
LESLIE AT SALEM. 47
modated. They preserved exact discipline, found none to attack them, and did not molest the inhabitants. The Marsh- field associators. and their friends, made formal addresses of acknowledgment to General Gage and Admiral Graves, for the timely protection that had been granted, and received from both, in return, sufficiently gracious rephes. General Gage was satisfied with the good efiect of this movement, and hoped that similar apphcations would be made fi-om other places. The patriot journals, with better judgment, regarded such expeditions as having a tendency to irritate and alarm the people.^ The detachment remained at Marshfield imtil the memorable nineteenth of April.
The next attempt of the troops was made at Salem, where a few brass cannon and gun-carriages were deposited. Colonel Leshe, with a detachment of the army, on Sunday. February
^ General Ga^e made this aSarr the subject of a letter to Lord Dartmouth, dated Jannarv 27, which was read in Parliament, March 6. He assured the ministiy that he often had infoimation from the country that the people of the towns were becoming more dirided.
The following xersion of this aflair, extracted from Rivington's New York Gazette of February 9, 1T75, weD shows the tone in which the Tories were acctistomed to write of the patriots. It is in a letter from Marshfield. " Two himdred of the principal inhabitants of this loyal town, insulted and intimi- dated by the lieectioas spirit that unhappily has been preralent amongst the lower ranks of people in the Mass. goremment, having applied to the gov- ernor for a detachment of ias majesty's troops, to assist in preserving the peace, and to check the insupportable insolence of the disaffected and turbulent, were happily relieved by the ^pearance of Capt. Balfour's party, consisting of one hundred soldiers, who were joyfiilly received by the loyalists. Upon their arrival, the valor of the minute-men was called fiirth by Adam's aew ; they were accordingly mustered, and, to the unqieakable ccMifnsioo of the enemies of our happy constitDtioo, no more than twelve persons jneaeated themsebres to bear aims against the Lord's anointed. It was necessary that some apology ^ould be made fiir the scanty appearance of tbrar volunteers, and they colored it over with a dedaratioo, that ' had the party sent to Marsh- field coi^sted of half a doz^i battalions, it might have been worth their atten- tkm to meet and engage them ; but a day would come, what the eooiage of their minute host would be aUe to dear the eoantrjirf'all their enemies, how- soerer fimnidaHe in nnmbeis.' The king's troops are v^y eomfortaUy ae- eommodaled, and pieaerre tbe most exact discipline ; and now, erray fiithfiil aol^eet to his king dare fiedy utter his thoogfals, drink his tea, and kill his sheep, as jaaSaadt as he pleases."
48 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
26, 1775, was sent to seize them. He landed at Marblehead in the afternoon, while the people were at meeting. His object being suspected, intelligence was immediately sent to Salem. The warlike materials were on the north side of the North Bridge, which was built with a draw to let vessels pass, and which, before Colonel Leslie reached it, had been hoisted. He ordered it to be lowered ; but the people refused, saying, "It is a private way, and you have no authority to demand a passage this way." Colonel Leslie then determined to pass the river in two large gondolas that lay near. But their owners jumped in and began to scuttle them. A few of the soldiers tried to prevent this ; a scuffle ensued, some were pricked with bayonets, and thus blood was shed. Things were proceeding to extremities, when the Rev. Mr. Barnard, a clergyman of Salem, interfered, and a compromise was effected. The people consented to lower the bridge, and Colonel Leslie pledged his honor not to march more than thirty rods beyond it. The troops, having done this, returned unmolested ; but the alarm spread ; the minute-men began to assemble ; and one company from Danvers arrived just as the British were leaving town. Thus the good sense of an intelligent British officer, and the influence of a few leading citizens, rather than the want of spirit in the people, prevented Salem from being the Lexing- ton of the Revolution ; for had Col. Leslie, instead of nego- tiating, decided to force his way over the bridge, a collision must have occurred. This circumstance, probably, occasioned the report in England, that in Salem " the Americans had hoisted their standard of Liberty." '
' Gentleman's Magazine, 1775. Essex Gazette. Trumbull, in M'Fingal, notices this expedition. After describing its arrival at Marblehead, he writes, —
" Through Salem straight, without delay. The bold battalion took its way ; Marched o'er a bridge, in open sight Of several Yankees armed for fight ; Then, without loss of time or men, Veered ronnd for Boston back again. And found so well their projects thrive, That every soul got home alive."
INSULTS OF THE TROOPS. 49
The pacific policy of the patriots Avas further severely tried by the bearing of the British troops. Their conduct had been in general orderly,' and no disposition had been manifested by
* The anxiety of the leading patriots to keep Boston free from the mob spirit is seen in the private letters of this period. They endeavored to live as peaceable as possible with the troops. Still riots would occur. At a town-meeting, November 7, 1774, it was voted, as the governor had assured the town that he would do all in his power to secure peace and good order, that the town would exert its best endeavors to effect the same purpose. The meeting voted to recommend to the selectmen to increase the watch to twelve men, to patrol the streets the whole night ; to recommend to the justices of the peace to exert their authority promptly for the observance of the laws, and to recommend masters of families to restrain their children and servants from going abroad after nine o'clock in the evening. Taverners and retailers were also enjoined to strictly conform to the laws of the province as to dis- orderly persons.
It was in accordance with this policy, probably, that so little is heard of the Boston military at this period. Mills and Hicks' Register of 1775 gives the names of the military corps of the town : 1. The Governor's Troop of Horse Guards, David Phipps captain, with the rank of colonel. 2. The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, William Bell captain. 3. The Boston Regiment, John Erving colonel, John Leverett lieut.-colonel, Thomas Dawes major. 4. The Grenadier Company, Major Dawes captain, Joseph Pierce lieut., with the rank of captain, Henry Knox lieutenant. 5. The Train attached to the Boston Regiment, Adino Paddock captain. 6. The Train belonging to the Suffolk First Regiment, Lemuel Robinson captain. 7. The Train belonging to the Suffolk 2d Regiment, Francis Barker captain. 8. The Train belonging to the Suffolk 3d Regiment, Eliphalet Pond captain. At the South Battery was a company, Jeremiah Green captain. At the North Battery, another company, Nathaniel Barber captain.
There had been, also, an Independent Company of Cadets, of which John Hancock was the commander. He was dismissed by Governor Gage, shortly after his arrival. The corps met, August 14, 1774, and appointed a commit- tee to wait on the governor at Salem and return to him their standard, " as they had almost unanimously disbanded themselves." The committee, on the next day, delivered the standard accordingly, and told him, " They no longer considered themselves the Governor's Independent Company."
Early in 1775, the Ancient and Honorable, on a parade day, were refused admittance to the common, and Major Bell marched the company to Copp's Hill. Some years after, a question arose as to who owned this hill. At a town-meeting some one said, " The Ancient and Honorable." Col. Jackson, their treasurer, was questioned, who stated that a mortgage upon it to them had long since run out, and they took possession of it in 1775. The modera- tor. Col. Thomas Dawes, inquired of Major Bell — "Why did you march
60 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
the officers to bring about a collision. But in March so marked was their change of behavior, that it indicated an intention to provoke a quarrel. On the anniversary of the memorable fifth of March, Dr. Warren delivered the customary oration at the Old South Meeting-house, before a crowded audience. About forty British officers were present, who, at its conclu- sion, hissed and were otherwise insulting in their bearing. On the 9th, a citizen of Billerica, Thomas Ditson, jr., on the pretence that he was tempting a soldier to desert, was tarred and feathered, fastened in a chair on a truck, and drawn through the streets, surrounded by a party of officers and sol- diers of the 47th regim.ent, under Colonel Nesbit. On this occasion, the tune of Yankee Doodle was played in derision. The sixteenth of March, on the recommendation of the Pro- vincial Congress, was observed as a day of fasting and prayer, when the people of the west part of Boston were annoyed by a party of the Fourth, or King's own Regiment. As the congregation were assembling, two marquee tents were pitched within a few yards of the meeting-house; and during the service, they were disturbed by the noise of drums and fifes. On the 17th, Colonel Hancock's house, near the common, was assaulted and his fence hacked, by a party, who otherwise behaved abusively. During this period, the patriots were
your company to Copps Hill ? " "I was prohibited from entering the com- mon, and conceiving this hill to be the property of the company, I marched them there as a place no one had a right to exclude them from." Colonel Dawes again asked — "Suppose British soldiers had forbidden your en- trance? " " I would have charged bayonets and forced my way, as surely as I would have forced my way into my dwelling-house, if taken possession of by a gang of thieves." Col. William Tudor then remarked, " The hill belongs to that company." The mortgage was afterwards discharged. — Snow's Boston, p. 106.
Major Paddock lost his pieces, the Whigs carrying them off in the night. They first carried off two, and though the other two were put under guard, they carried them off also. This made the officers mad. They said " They believed the devil got them away, for it was not half an hour ago they had their hands on them." — Ms. Letter. On the 23rd of February, the com- mittee of safety requested Dr. Warren to confer with the company formerly under the command of Major Paddock, to know how many could be depended on, officers and men, " when the constitutional army of the province should take the field."
ALARMING MOVEMENTS. 51
mating every effort to carry into the country military stores ; and on the 18th, the Neck guard seized 13,425 musket car- tridges and a quantity of balls, in doing which, they severely abused a teamster. In the evening, a party of officers, heated with liquor, committed excesses in the streets, and attacked the Providence coach. These insults irritated and inflamed the people.^
Other movements, however, created more alarm. The com- mittees of safety and supplies had deposited large quantities of military stores at Concord, under the care of Colonel James Barrett. It was rumored, in March, that General Gage was determined to destroy them ; and as early as the 14th of this month, the committee of safety voted to place a guard over them. On the 15th, its clerk, John Pigeon, was directed to establish a nightly watch, and to arrange for teams to be in readiness to carry them, on the shortest notice, to places of safety. Couriers also were engaged in Charlestown, Cam- bridge, and Roxbury, to alarm the country. These precau- tions were rendered still more necessary by the movements of General Gage. He sent officers in disguise to make sketches of the roads, and to ascertain the state of the towns. On the 20th of March, Captain Brown and Ensign D'Bernicre, of the British army, visited Concord, and subsequently presented a narrative of what they saw to the governor.^ Yigilant patri- ots watched them narrowly. Bodies of troops, also, occasion- ally marched into the country.^ On the 30th, the first brigade, about eleven hundred men, marched out towards Jamaica Plains, but without baggage or artillery. They did much damage in throwing down stone walls. " Great numbers," Dr. Warren writes, "completely armed, collected in the neigh- boring towns ; and it is the opinion of many, that had they marched eight or ten miles, and attempted to destroy any magazines, or abuse the people, not a man of them would
* Letter of S. Adams ; Ditson's Deposition in the newspapers of 1775 ; Letter, Boston, March 22, 1775; Gordon, vol. i., p. 319.
^ Bernicre's narrative. ^ The Provincial Congress, sitting at Cambridge, February 10, appointed Messrs. Devens, Watson, Gardner, Howe, and Batchelor, a committee to observe the motion of the troops said to be on the road to this town.
5
52 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
have returned to Boston.'" Smaller parties went out over Charlestown Ferry, and marched tlirough Roxbury into Boston.
While things thus wore a hostile aspect at home, intelli- gence was received from Great Britain that the ministry were determined to force the colonists to obedience. There the Americans were looked upon as cowards, whom British red- coats would look into submission. Five regiments, it was said, would march from one end of the continent to the other. "The senator," Gordon writes, "holds this language in the senate, and the general at the head of an army. It passes for a maxim, and it is thought scepticism to doubt it.'"^ Addi- tional coercive measures were proposed in Parliament ; addi- tional troops were announced to be on tlieir way to Boston. The generals ITowe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, of established reputation for courage and conduct, were ordered to join Gen- eral Gage ; and British journals announced that the army would take the field. A speech made in Parliament by Gen- eral Burgoyne, February 27, 1775, while he was under orders, shows the feelings with which the generals accepted their commands. He was convinced that the cause of Great Britain was just, and that the claims of the colonists were chimerical. "Is there," he asked, "a man in England, — I am sure there is not an officer or soldier in the king's service, —
'Lilb Arthur Lee, vol. ii., 266. Gordon, vol. i., 320. The following notice of the Boston committee of correspondence shows how vigilant this committee was : —
Boston, March 30, 1775. Gentlemen, — The alarming manonivrc of a large dotachment of the army is the reason of our desiring your attendance at our chtunbcr in Faneuil Hall to-morrow, at ten o'clock, A. M., in order to determine upon measures of safely. The wisdom of the joint committees has been very conspicuous. The fullest exertion of the same wisdom is absolutely necessary at this excited time. We therefore desire your punctual attendance.
Wo are, gentlemen,
Your friends and countrymen.
Signed, by order of tlie committee of correspondence of Boston,
William Cooper, Clerk. To Committee of Correspondence for Charlestown. 'Gordon, vol. i., 316.
ANXIETY OF THE PATRIOTS. 63
who does not think the Parhamentary rights of Great Britain a cause to figlit for — to bleed and die for?" While there was a charm in the very wanderings and dreams of liberty that disarmed an Englishman's anger, yet the existence of the constitution and the country depended on bringing the Ameri- cans to submission.' The insulting and warlike tenor of this news, however, only made the patriots firmer. They pre- sented, at this period of intense anxiety, a noble spectacle. It was the awful pause between the resolution and the act. They had determined to resist, and yet had not been obliged to strike. Gordon remarks of Massachusetts : its people were " in a state of nature, and yet as still and peaceable as ever they were when government was in full vigor ; " royal author- ity was suspended, and yet individual security was every- where enjoyed ; the Tory had but to keep his temper and observe a neutrality, and he was safe in person and property.' Strange as it may appear, this very order was ascribed to the presence of the British troops. How different, however, was the great spirit that animated and supported Uic patriots ! "The people," Gushing writes, "are not disma*d. Should the administration determine to carry into execution the late acts by military force, they will 'make the last appeal. They are determined life and liberty shall go together." The resolve and the language of the patriots were : " America must and will be free. The contest may be severe, — the end will be glorious. We would not boast, but we think, united and prepared as we are, we have no reason to doubt of success, if
' Parliamentary Register, 1775.
''Gordon, i., 291. The patriots were severely provoked by the conduct of the Tories. The course of a prominent citizen of Rowley aflbrds a good instance of their nnanner of speech. Among the charges against him were : —
" Your saying you wished Boston was laid in ashes.
" Your speaking reproachfully of the most respectable gentlemen of Ucmton.
" Your saying our General Court acted like fools ; and that the town of Boston was the means of all those troubles.
" Your saying you wished that these lawfe were put in execution, and that we were in lordships."
The patriots required hirn to make a proper confession. Another citizen, equally loud-mouthed, the town voted " was not worthy of any public no- tice." — Essex Gazette.
54 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
we should be compelled to make the last appeal ; but we mean not to make that appeal until we can be justified in doing it in the sight of God and man."'
Each day, however, it became more and more evident that this last appeal was at hand. Intelligence of the reinforce- ments on their way to -Boston was published in the journals of April 4th. Also the declaration of the Parliament to the king, that the opposition to legislative authority in Massachu- setts constituted rebellion; and the "solemn assurances" of the king to the Parliament, that " the most speedy and efiiect- ual measures" should be taken to put the rebellion down. This news elated the confident Tories; it depressed the timid Whigs ; but the firm friends of liberty avowed themselves ready for the struggle.*^ "Nothing is now talked of" — Stiles writes, April 4 — "but immediately forming an American army at Worcester, and taking the field with undaunted reso- lution."' The Provincial Congress met the crisis, and the demand of publia opinion, by energetic measures. On the 5th, it adopted rules and regulations for the establishment of an army ; on the 7th, it sent a circular to the committees of cor- respondence, "most earnestly recommending" them to see to it that "the militia and miniite-men" be found in the best posture of defence, whenever any exigence might require their aid, but at whatever expense of patience and forbearance, to act only on the defensive; on the 8th, it resolved to take effectual measures to raise an army, and to send delegates to Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, to request their cooperation ; on the 13th, it voted to raise six companies of artillery, pay them, and keep them constantly in exercise ; on the 14th, it advised the removal of the citizens of Boston into the country ; on the 15th, it appointed a day of fasting and prayer, and adjourned to the 10th of May.^ The com- mittees of safety and supplies — 14th to 19th — were busy in preparing for immediate hostilities, — establishing a train of artillery, making powder into cartridges, removing cannon to places of safety, and distributing the military supplies.'
' Dr. Warren utters this noble language in a letter dated April 3, 1775. \
^ Stiles' Diary. ^ lb. * Journals of Provincial Congress.
' The committee of safety were : John Hancock, Joseph Warren, Benja-
EXPEDITION TO CONCORD. 55
These preparations must have been well known ; indeed, they could not be concealed. Many of the people of Boston had already moved into the country. Early in April many more left the town. A continuance in it became hazardous for the leading patriots. The governor might make it a prison, and hold its citizens hostages for the good order of the prov- ince ; or he might send them to England, to be mocked with a trial for alleged political offences. However, many who had taken a prominent part in opposition to the government — among them Dr. Warren — remained, but a great number left the town. Samuel Adams and John Hancock, then attending the Provincial Congress, were persuaded to remain at the house of Rev. Jonas Clark, of Lexington. Meantime Gen- eral Gage made every exertion to purchase supplies for camp service ; the patriots made every exertion to anticipate him, and to cut off his supplies, both in Massachusetts and in New York. The troops, also, became still more proud in their bearing, and still more insulting in their conduct. Thus hourly did things assume a more hostile appearance; "noth- mg was wanting," writes 'Gordon, "but a spark, to set the whole continent in a flame." ^
General Gage, after receiving a small reinforcement, had, in the middle of April, about four thousand men in Boston. He resolved, by a secret expedition, to destroy the magazines col- lected at Concord. This measure was neither advised by his council nor by his officers. It was said that he was wor- ried into it by the importunities of the Tories ; but it was undoubtedly caused by the energetic measures of the Whigs. His own subsequent justification was, that when he saw an assembly of men, unknown to the constitution, wresting from him the public moneys and collecting warlike stores, it was
min Church, Richard Devens, Benjamin White, Joseph Pahner, Abraham Watson, Azor Orne, John Pigeon, William Heath, and Thomas Gardner.
The committee of supplies were : Elbridge Gerry, David Cheever, Benja- min Lincoln, Moses Gill, Benjamin Hall.
These committees usually met together for the transaction of business. On the 17th of April they adjourned from Concord, to meet at " Mr. Wether- by's, at Menotomy."
'Gordon, I., 321.
56 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
alike his duty and the dictate of humanity to prevent the calamity of civil war by destroying these magazines.^ His previous belief was, that, should the government show a re- spectable force in the field, seize the most obnoxious patriot leaders, and proclaim a pardon for others, it would come off victorious.
On the 15th of April, the grenadiers and light infantry, on the pretence of learning a new military exercise, were relieved from duty ; and at night, the boats of the transport ships which had been hauled up to be repaired were launched and moored under the sterns of the men of war. These move- ments looked suspicious to the vigilant patriots, and Dr. Warren sent intelligence of them to Hancock and Adams, who were in Lexington. It was this timely notice that induced the committee of safety to take additional measures for the security of the stores in Concord, and to order (on the 17th) cannon to be secreted, and a part of the stores to be removed to Sudbury and Groton.
On Tuesday, April 18, General Gage^ directed several officers to station themselves on thS roads leading out of Bos- ton, and prevent any intelligence of his intended expedition, that night, from reaching the country. A party of them, on that day, dined at Cambridge. The committees of safety and supplies, which usually held their sessions together, also met that day, at Wetherby's Tavern, in Menotomy, now West
^ Gage's letter to Trumbull, May 3, 1775. Hence Trumbull, in M'Fingal, writes of this " mercy " of Gage : —
" But mercy is, without dispute. His first and darling attribute ; So great, it far outwent and conquered His military skill at Concord. There when the war he chose to wage, Shone the benevolence of Gage ; Sent troops to that ill-omened place On errands mere of special grace ; And all the work he chose them for, Was to prevent a civil war."
* Several valuable pamphlets have been published relative to the events of the 19th of April. A notice of the most important will be found in the Appendix.
BRITISH OFFICERS. 57
Cambridge. Mr. Gerry and Colonels Orne and Lee, of the members, remained to pass the night. Mr. Devens and Mr. Watson rode in a chaise towards Charlestown, but soon meet- ing a number of British officers on horseback, they returned to inform their friends at the tavern, waited there until the officers rode by, and then rode to Charlestown. Mr. Gerry immediately sent an express to Hancock ^ and Adams, that "eight or nine officers were out, suspected of some evil design," which caused precautionary, measures to be adopted at Lexington.^
' The messenger sent to Hancock and Adams took a by-path, and delivered his letter. Hancock's reply to Gerry, while it bears marks of the haste with which it was written, is also characterized by the politeness which neither haste nor danger could impair. " Lexington, April 18, 1775. Dear Sir : I am much obliged for your notice. It is said the officers are gone to Concord, and I will send word thither. I am full with you that we ought to be serious, and I hope your decision will be effectual. I intend doing myself the pleasure of being with you to-morrow. My respects to the committee. I am your real friend, John Hancock." — Austin's Life of Gerry, vol. i., p. 68.
^ Rev. Jonas Clark alludes to three different messages received at Lexington, on the evening and night of April 18 : 1. A verbal one ; 2, a written one from the committee of safety, in the evening ; 3, between twelve and one, an express from Dr. Warren. Revere's narrative accounts for the last message. I found among the papers of Richard Devens, of Charlestown, — for a liberal use of which I am indebted to David Devens, Esq., — the following memo- randum, without a date, but evidently written about this period, which, in connection with Gerry's express, will account for both of the previous mes- sages. " On the 18th of April, '75, Tuesday, the committee of safety, of which I was then a member, and the committee of supplies, sat at Newell's tavern, (the records of the committee of safety say Wetherby's,) atMenotomy. A great number of British officers dined at Cambridge. After we had finished the business of the day, we adjourned to meet at Woburn on the morrow, — left to lodge at Newell's, Gerry, Orne, and Lee. Mr. Watson and myself came off in my chaise at sunset. On the road we met a great number of B. O. (British officers) and their servants on horseback, who had dined that day at Cambridge. We rode some way after we met them, and then turned back and rode through them, went and informed our friends at Newell's. We stopped there till they came up and rode by. We then left our friends, and I came home, after leaving Mr. Watson at his house. I soon received intelligence fromBoston, that the enemy were all in motion, and were certainly preparing to come out into the country. Soon afterward, the signal agreed upon was given ; this was a lanthorn hung out in the upper window of the tower of the N. Ch., (North Church) towards Charlestown. I then
58 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
Richard Devens, an efficient member of the committee of safety, soon received intelhgence that the British troops were in motion in Boston, and were certainly preparing to go into the country. Shortly after, the signal agreed upon in this event was given, namely, a lanthorn hung out frorn the North Church steeple in Boston, when Mr. Devens immediately des- patched an express with this intelligence to Menotomy and Lexington. All this while General Gage supposed his move- ments were a profound secret, and as such in the evening communicated them in confidence to Lord Percy. But as this nobleman was crossing the common, on his way to his quar- ters, he joined a group of men engaged in conversation, when one said, " The British troops have marched, but will miss their aim!" "What aim?" inquired Lord Percy. "Why, the cannon at Concord." He hastened back to General Gage with this information, when orders were immediately issued that no person should leave town.* Dr. Warren, however, a few minutes previous, had sent Paul Revere and William Dawes into the country. Revere, about eleven o'clock, rowed across the river to Charlestown, was supplied by Richard Devens with a horse, and started to alarm the country.*^ Just outside of Charlestown Neck, he barely escaped capture by British officers; but leaving one of them in a clay-pit, he got to Medford, awoke the captain of the minute-men, gave the alarm on the road, and reached the Rev. Jonas Clark's house in safety, where, the evening before, a guard of eight men had been stationed to protect Hancock and Adams. It was mid- sent off an express to inform Messrs. Gerry, &c., and Messrs. Hancock and
A., (Adams) who I knewwere at the Rev. Mr. , (Clark's) at Lexington,
that the enemy were certainly coming out. I kept watch at the ferry to watch for the boats till about eleven o'clock, when Paul Revere came over and informed that the T. (troops) were actually in the boats.* I then took a
horse from Mr. Larkin's barn, and sent him .* I procured a horse and
sent off P. Revere to give the intelligence at Menotomy and Lexington. He was taken by the British officers before mentioned, before he got to Lexing- ton, and detained till near day."
' Stedman's History, i., p. 119. '^ Revere's>J'arrative. This interesting paper was not written until 1798. It varies but slightly from the memoran- dum of Devens, which certainly is a prior authority. Devens errs in stating that Revere was taken before he arrived at Lexington.
ALARM OF THE COUNTRY. 59
night as Revere rode up and requested admittance. William Monroe, the sergeant, told him that the family, before retiring to rest, had requested that they might not be disturbed by noise about the house. •■?soise!'' replied Revere, '••you'll have noise enough before long — the regulars are coming out ! " He was then admitted. Mr. Dawes, who went out through Rox- bury. soon joined him. Their intelligence was, '• That a large body of the king's troops, supposed to be a brigade of twelve or fifteen hundred, had embarked in boats from Boston, and gone over to Lechmeres Point, in Cambridge, and it was sus- pected they were ordered to seize and destroy the stores belonging to the colony, then deposited at Concord."' ^
The town of Lexington, Major Phinney writes, is '-about twelve miles north-west of Boston, and six miles south-east of Concord. It was originally a part of Cambridge, and previous to its separation from that town was called the • Cambridge Farms.' Thft act of incorporation bears date March 20, 1712. The inhabitants consist principally of hardy and independent yeomanry. In 1775, the Ust of enrolled mihtia bore the names of over one hundred citizens. The road leading from Boston divides near the centre of the village in Lexington. The part leading to Concord passes to the left, and that leading to Bed- ford to the right of the meeting-house, and form two sides of a triangular green or common, on the south (jomer of which stands the meeting-house, facing directly down the road lead- ing to Boston." At the right of the meeting-house, on the opposite side of Bedford road, was Buckman's tavern.*
About one o'clock the Lexington alarm-men and militia were summoned to meet at their usual place of parade, on the common ; and messengers were sent towards Cambridge for additional information. "When the militia assembled, about two O'clock in the morning, Captain John Parker, its com- mander, ordered the roll to be called, and the men to load with powder and ball. About one hundred and thirty were now assembled with arms. One of the messengers soon returned with the report that there was no appearance of troops on the roads ; and the weather being chilly, the men, after being on
* Wflliam Monroe's Deposition ; Rerere's NariatiTe ; Clark's Accoont. ' Phinney "s History, p. 10.
6H LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
parade some time, were dismissed, with orders to appear again at the beat of the drum. They dispersed into houses near the place of parade — the greater part going into Buckman's tav- ern. It was generally supposed that the movements in Boston were only a feint to alarm tlie people.'
Revere and Dawes started to give the alarm in Concord, / and soon met Dr. Samuel Prescott, a warm patriot, who agreed to assist in arousing the people. While they were thus en- gaged, they were suddenly met by a party of officers, well armed and mounted, when a scuffle ensued, during which Revere was captured ; but Prescott, by leaping a stone wall, made his escape. The same officers had already detained three citizens of Lexington, who had been sent out the preced- ing evening to watch their movements. All the prisoners, after being questioned closely, were released near Lexington; when Revere rejoined Hancock and Adams, and went with them towards Woburn, two miles from Mr. Clafk's house.^
While these things were occurring, the British regulars were marching towards Concord. Lieutenant-colonel Smith, at the head of about eight hundred troops, — grenadiers, light infantry, and marines, — embarked about ten o'clock at the foot of Boston Common, in the boats of the ships of war. They landed, just as the moon arose, at Phipps Farm, now Lechmere Point, took an unfrequented path over the marshes, where in some places they had to wade through water, and entered the old Charlestown and West Cambridge road. No martial sounds enlivened their midnight march ; it was silent, stealthy, inglorious. The members of the " rebel congress"
' Gordon's Account and Depositions of 1775 ; Clark. ^ Revere and Gordon.
Hancock and Adams, whose safety was regarded as of the utmost import- ance, were persuaded to retire to the then 2d precinct of Woburn, to the house occupied by Madam Jones, widow of Rev. Thomas Jones, and Rev. Mr. Marett, which is now standing in Burlington, and occupied by Rev. Samuel Sewell. Dorothy Quincy accompanied her intended husband — Hancock. Here, at noon, they had just sat down to an elegant dinner, when a man broke suddenly in upon them with a shriek, and they believed the regulars were upon them. Mr. Marett then piloted Adams and Hancock along a cart-way to Mr. Amos Wyman's house, in a corner of Billcrica, where they were glad to dine off of cold salt pork and potatoes, served in a wooden tray. — Letter of Rev. Samuel Sewell.
SKIRMISH AT LEXINGTON. 61
arose from their beds at the tavern in Menotomy, to view them. They saw the front pass on with the regularity of veteran disciphne. But when the centre was opposite the window, an officer and file of men were detached towards the house. Messrs. Gerry, Orne, and Lee, half dressed as they were, then took the hint and escaped to an adjoining field, while the British in vain searched the house.'
Colonel Smith had marched but few miles, when the sounds of guns and bells gave evidence that, notwithstanding the caution of General Gage, the country was alarmed. He detached six companies of light infantry, under the command of Major Pitcairn, with orders to press forward and secure the two bridges at Concord, while he sent a messenger to Boston for a reinforcement. The party of officers who had been out joined the detachment, with the exaggerated report that five hundred men were in arms to oppose the king's forces. Major Pitcairn, as he advanced, succeeded in capturing every one on the road until he arrived within a mile and a half of Lexing- ton meeting-house, when Thaddeus Bowman succeeded in eluding the advancing troops, and galloping to the common, gave the first certain intelligence to Captain Parker of their approach.'^
It was now about half-past four in the morning. Captain Parker ordered the drum to beat, alarm guns to be fired, and Sergeant William Monroe to form his company in two ranks a few rods north of the meeting-house. It was a part of "the constitutional army," which was authorized to make a regular and forcible resistance to any open hostility by the British troops ; and it was for this purpose that this gallant and devoted band, on this memorable morning, appeared on the field. Whether it ought to maintain its ground, or whether it ought to retreat, would depend upon the bearing and numbers of the regulars. It was not long in suspense. At a short dis- tance from the parade-ground, the British officers, regarding the American drum as a challenge, ordered their troops to halt, to prime and load, and then to march forward in double-quick time. Meantime sixty or seventy of the militia had collected,
^ Gage's Account ; Austin's Life of Gerry, 169. '^ Gage's Account ; Phinney's History.
62 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
and about forty spectators, a few of whom had arms. Captain Parker ordered his men not to fire unless they were fired upon. A part of his company had time to form in a mihtary position facing tlie regulars ; but while some were joining the ranks, and others were dispersing, the British troops rushed on, shouting and firing, and their officers — among whom was Major Pit- cairn — exclaiming, "Ye villains! ye rebels ! disperse!" "Lay down your arms !" "Why don't you lay down your arms?" The militia did not instantly disperse, nor did they proceed to lay down their arms. The first guns, few in number, did no execution. A general discharge followed, with fatal results.'
* Gordon's Letter, May 17, 1775 : Clark's Narrative : Depositions of 1775.
Dr. John Warren, in his Ms. diary, — for which, and for other courtesies, I am indebted to his son, Dr. John C. Warren, — writes, April 19, 1775 : " Some dispersed, but a few continued in a mihtary position ; on seeing which, Major Pitcairn, upon the plea of some person snapping a gun," &c. Gordon also says " a few continued in their military position." This agrees with Bernicre's (British) account, which says : Major Pitcairn cried out for the militia " to throw down their arms and disperse, which they did not do ; he called out a second time, but to no purpose," &c. Gordon also gives the details of a person, just before the firing, " offering to fire, but the piece flashed in the pan without going off."
Stiles, in his Ms. diary, gives the following interesting relation of Major Pitcairn's own version of the beginning of the firing : —
1775, August 19. —"Major Pitcairn, who was a good man in a bad cause, insisted upon it, to the day of his death, that the colonists fired first ; and that he commanded not to fire, and endeavored to stay and stop the firing after it began : but then he told this with such circumstances as convince me that he was deceived, though on the spot. He does not say that he saw the colo- nists fire first. Had he said it, I would have believed him, being a man of integrity and honor. He expressly says he did not see who fired first ; and yet believed the peasants began. His account is this : That riding up to them, he ordered them to disperse ; which they not doing instantly, he turned about to order his troops to draw out so as to surround and disarm them. As he turned, he saw a gun in a peasant's hand, from behind a wall, flash in the pan, without going off; and instantly, or very soon, two or three guns went off, by which he found his horse wounded, and also a man near him wounded. These guns he did not see ; but believing they could not come from his own people, doubted not, and so asserted, that they came from ovir people, and that thus they began the attack. The impetuosity of the king's troops was such, that a promiscuous, uncommanded, but general fire took place, which Pitcairn could not prevent ; though he struck his staff or sword downwards with all earnestness, as the signal to forbear or cease firing."
SKIRMISH AT LEXINGTON. 63
A few of the militia who had been wounded, or who saw others killed or wounded by their side, no longer hesitated, but returned the fire of the regulars. Jonas Parker, John Mon- roe, and Ebenezer Monroe, jr., and others, fired before leaving the line ; Solomon Brown and James Brown fired from behind a stone wall ; one other person fired from the back door of Buckman's house ; Nathan Monroe, Lieutenant Benjamin Tidd, and others, retreated a short distance and fired.' Mean- time the regulars continued their fire as long as the militia remained in sight, killing eight and wounding ten. Jonas Parker, who repeatedly said he never would run from the British, was wounded at the second fire, but he still dis-
' This account is not more than just to Lexington. The contemporary evidence of this return fire is too positive to be set aside. In the counter manifesto to Gage's proclamation, prepared in June, 1775, which was not published at the time, it is said that the British, " in a most barbarous and infamous manner, fired upon a small number of the inhabitants, and cruelly murdered eight men. The fire was returned by some of the survivors, but their number was too inconsiderable to annoy the regular troops, who pro- ceeded on their errand, and upon coming up to Concord," &c. &c. I copy from Ms. in Mass. Archives. Gordon, May 17, 1775, says that James Brown informed him, that '* being got over the wall, and seeing the soldiers fire pretty freely, he fired upon them, and some others did the same." Depo- sition Numbers, of 1775, is clear : — " About five o'clock in the morning we attended the beat of our drum, and were formed on the parade. We were faced towards the regulars, then marching up to us, and some of our com- pany were coming to the parade with their backs towards the troops ; and others on the parade began to disperse, when the regulars fired on the com- pany, before a gun was fired by any of our company on them." The great point was as to who fired first. Clark says : — " So far from firing first upon the king's troops, upon the most careful inquiry, it appears, that but very few of our people fired at all, and even they did not fire till, after being fired upon by the troops, they were wounded themselves," &c. Phinney's His- tory contains the details, with depositions, which, as to the main fact, are sup- ported by the authorities of 1775. All the British accounts state that the fire was returned, or rather they state that it was begun, by the militia. This last assertion, made in Gage's hand-bill, (see Appendix,) was contradicted. Much controversy took place about it, and the Provincial Congress account was pre- pared in reference to it. As late as May 3, 1776, a London journal says : — " It is whispered that the ministry are endeavoring to fix a certainty which party fired first at Lexington, before hostilities commenced, as the Congress declare, if it can be proved that American blood was first shed, it will go a great way towards effecting a reconciliation on the most honorable terms." 6
64 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
charged his gun, and was killed by a bayonet. "A truer heart did not bleed at Thermopylse."' Isaac Muzzy, Jon- athan Harrington, and Robert Monroe, were also killed on or near the place where the line Avas formed. "Harrington's was a cruel fate. He fell in front of his own house, on the north of the common. His wife at the window saw him fall, and then start up, the blood gushing from his breast. He stretched out his hands towards her, as if for assistance, and fell again. Rising once more on his hands and knees, he crawled across the road towards his dwelling. She ran to meet him at the door, but it was to see him expire at her feet.'"' Monroe was the standard bearer of his company at the capture of Louisburg. Caleb Harrington was killed as he was running from the meeting-house, after replenishing his stock of powder ; Samuel Hadley and John Brown, after they had left the common ; Asahel Porter, of Woburn, who had been taken prisoner by the British, as he was endeavoring to effect his escape.^ The British suffered but little ; a private of the 10th regiment, and probably one other, were wounded, and Major Pitcairn's horse was struck.^ Some of the provin- cials retreated up the road leading to Bedford, but most of them across a swamp to a rising ground north of the common. The British troops formed on the common, fired a volley, and gave three huzzas in token of their victory.^ Colonel Smith, with the remainder of the troops, soon joined Major Pitcairn, and the whole detachment marched towards Concord, about six miles distant, which it reached without further interruption. After it left Lexington six of the regulars were taken pris- oners.
Concord was described in 1775, by Ensign Berniere, as fol- lows: It "lies between two hills, that command it entirely. There is a river runs through it, with two bridges over it. In summer it i^ pretty dry. The town is large, and contains a church, jail, and court-house ; but the houses are not close together, but in little groups." The road from Lexington entered Concord from the south-east, along the side of a hill,
'Everett's Lexington Address. '^Ib. ^Phinney's History. * Gage's account. ^ Phinney and Clark.
ALARM IN CONCORD. 65
which commences on the right of it about a mile below the village, rises abruptly from thirty to fifty feet above the road, and terminates at the north-easterly part of the square. The top forms a plain, which commands a view of the town. Here was the liberty pole. The court-house stood near the present county-house. The main branch of the Concord river flows sluggishly, in a serpentine direction, on the west- erly and northerly side of the village, about half a mile from its centre. This river was crossed by two bridges, — one called the Old South Bridge — the other, by the Rev. William Emerson's, called the Old North Bridge. The road beyond the North Bridge led to Colonel James Barrett's, about two miles from the centre of the town.^
Dr. Samuel Prescott, whose escape has been related, gave the alarm in Lincoln and Concord. It was between one and two o'clock in the morning when the quiet community of Con- cord were aroused from their slumbers by the sounds of the church bell. The committee of safety, the military officers, and prominent citizens, assembled for consultation. Messen- gers were despatched towards Lexington for information ; the militia and minute-men were formed on the customary parade- ground near the meeting-house ; and the inhabitants, with a portion of the militia, under the able superintendence of Colonel Barrett, zealously labored in removing the military stores into the woods and by-places for safety. These scenes were novel and distressing ; and among others. Reverend Wil-
'" There were at this time in this vicinity," Shattiick writes, "under rather imperfect organization, a regiment of militia, and a regiment of min- ute-men. The officers of the mihtia were, James Barrett, colonel ; Ezekiel Howe, of Sudbury, lieutenant-colonel ; Nathan Barrett and George Minot, of Concord ; Joseph Robbins, of Acton ; John Moore, of Bedford ; Samuel Farrar, of Lincoln ; and Moses Stono and Aaron Hayes, of Sudbury, captains. The officers of the minute-men were, Abijah Pierce, of Lincoln, colonel ; Thomas Nixon, of Framingham, lieutenant-colonel ; John Buttrick, of Con- cord, major ; Jacob Miller, of HoUiston, second major ; Thomas Hurd, of East Sudbury, adjutant ; David Brown and Isaac Davis, of Acton ; William Smith, of Lincoln ; Jonathan Wilson, of Bedford ; John Nixon, of Sudbury, captains. There were also two small companies of horse, — one in Concord and one in Sudbury, — but they were out among the foot companies at this time." — History of Concord.
66 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
liam Emerson, the patriotic clergyman, mingled with the people, and gave counsel and comfort to the terrified women and children.
Reuben Brown, one of the messengers sent to obtain infor- mation, returned with the startling intelligence that the British regulars had fired upon his countrymen at Lexington, and were on their march for Concord.^ It was determined to go out to meet them.*^ A part of the military of Lincoln, — the minute-men, under Captain William Smith, and the militia, under Captain Samuel Farrar, — had joined the Concord people ; and after parading on the common, some of the com- panies marched down the Lexington road until they saw the British two miles from the centre of the town. Captain Minot, with the alarm company, remained in town, and took possession of the hill near the liberty pole.^ He had no sooner gained it, however, than the companies that had gone down the road returned with the information that the number of the British was treble that of the Americans. The whole then fell back to an eminence about eighty rods distance, back of the town, where they formed in two battalions.'* Colonel Barrett, the commander, joined them here, having previously been engaged in removing the stores. They had scarcely formed, when the British troops appeared in sight at the dis- tance of a quarter of a mile, and advancing with great celer- ity, — their arms glittering in the splendor of early sunshine. But little time remained for deliberation. Some were in favor of resisting the further approach of the troops ; while others,
' Nathan Barrett and others, April 23, 1775, state, that they assembled " in consequence of an information that a number of regular troops had killed six of our countrymen at Lexington." See also depositions of John Hoar and others, of the same date. Emerson says : " We were the more cautious to prevent beginning a rupture with the king's troops, as we were then uncer- tain what had happened at Lexington, and knew (not) that they had began the quarrel there by firing upon our people, and killing eight men upon the spot." To emphasize " uncertain " and " had began," will make this har- monize with the depositions. Colonel Baldwin says in his diary that he heard the firing at Lexington, saw the men lay dead on the field, and then pressed on to Concord.
^Reverend WilliamEmerson's Account, an excellent contemporary author- ity, part of it not discovered until 1835. ^ Emerson and Ripley. '•Emer- son : Clark's Narrative.
THE BRITISH ENTER CONCORD. 67
more prudent, advised a retreat and a delay until further rein- forcements should arrive. Colonel Barrett ordered the militia to retire over the North Bridge to a commanding eminence about a mile from the centre of the town.'
The British troops then marched into Concord in two divis- ions ; one by the main road, and the other on the hill north of it, from which the Americans had just retired. They were posted in the following manner. The grenadiers and light infantry, under the immediate command of Colonel Smith, remained in the centre of the town. Captain Parsons, with six light companies, about two hundred men, was detached to secure the North Bridge and to destroy stores, who stationed three companies, under Captain Laurie, at the bridge, and proceeded with the other three companies to the residence of Colonel Barrett, about two miles distant, to destroy the maga- zines deposited there. Captain Pole, with a party, was sent, for a similar purpose, to the South Bridge.*^ The British met with but partial success in the work of destruction, in conse- quence of the diligent concealment of the stores. In the centre of the town they broke open about sixty barrels of flour, nearly half of which was subsequently saved ; knocked off the trunnions of three iron twenty-four pound cannon, and burnt sixteen new carriage-wheels and a few barrels of wooden trenchers and spoons. They cut down the liberty pole, and set the court-house on fire, which was put out, how- ever, by the exertions of Mrs. Moulton. The parties at the South Bridge, and at Colonel Barrett's, met with poor success. While engaged in this manner, the report of guns at the North Bridge put a stop to their proceedings.^
The British troops had been in Concord about two hours. During this time the minute-men from the neighboring towns had been constantly arriving on the high grounds, a short dis- tance from the North Bridge, until they numbered about four hundred and fifty.* They were formed in line by Joseph Hosmer, who acted as adjutant. It is difficult, if not impos- able, to ascertain certainly what companies were present thus early in the day. They came from Carlisle, from Chelmsford,
^ Ripley ; Emerson ; Depositions of 1775. ^ British Account. ^ Emerson ; Shattuck's History ; Clark's Narrative. * Ripley's History.
6*
68 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
from Westford, from Littleton, and from Acton. Tlie minute- men of Acton were commanded by Captain Isaac Davis, a brave and energetic man. Most of the operations of the British troops were visible from this place of rendezvous, and several fires were seen in the middle of the town. Anxious apprehen- sions were then felt for its fate. A consultation of officers, and of prominent citizens, was held. It was, probably, during this conference that Captain William Smith, of Lincoln, volun- teered, with his company, to dislodge the British guard at the North Bridge.' Captain Isaac Davis, as he returned from it to his ranks, also remarked, "I haven't a man that's afraid to go." The result of this council was, that it was expedient to dislodge the guard at the North Bridge.** Colonel Barrett, accordingly, ordered the militia to march to it, and to pass it, but not to fire on the king's troops unl6ss they Avere fired upon. He designated Major John Buttrick to lead the companies to effect this object. Lieutenant-colonel Robinson volunteered to accompany him. On the march. Major Buttrick requested Colonel Robinson to act as his superior, but he generously declined.
It was nearly ten oclock in the morning, when the provin- cials, about three hundred in number,^ arrived near the river. The company from Acton was in front, and Major Buttrick, Colonel Robinson, and Captain Davis, were at their head. Captains David Brown, Charles Miles, Nathan Barrett, and William Smith, with their companies, and also other compa- nies, fell into the line. Their positions, however, are not pre- cisely known.^ They marched in double file, and with trailed
'Massachusetts Archives: "Lincoln, November, 1776. This may cer tify, that Captain WilUam Smith, of Lincoln, in the County of Middlesex, appeared on Concord parade early in the morning of April 19, 1775, with his company of minute-men ; was ordered to leave his horse by the field officer, and take post on an adjacent hill, — the British troops possessing the North Bridge. He voluntarily offered, with his company, to endeavor to dislodge them, leaving his horse at the tavern ; by which means, on their retreat, the horse, &c., were carried off, with one of their wounded men. John But- trick, Major."
^ William Smith's Petition, 1775. Gordon's Letter, May 17, 1775. ^ Dep- ositions of 1775. ■■ Ripley's History. See on the Acloa company Adams' Address. Gordon says this company made the front.
THE CONCORD FIGHT. 69-
arms.' The British guard, under Captain Laurie, about one hundred in number, were then on the west side of the river ; but on seeing the provincials approach, they retired over the bridge to the east side of the river, formed as if for a fight, and began to take up the planks of the bridge.*^ Major But- trick remonstrated against this, and ordered his men to hasten their march. When they had arrived within a few rods of the bridge, the British began to fire upon them. The first guns, few in number, did no execution ; others followed with deadly efifect. Luther Blanchard, a fifer in the Acton company, was first wounded ; and afterwards Captain Isaac Davis and Abner Hosmer, of the same con^any, were killed.' On seeing the fire take effect. Major Buttrick exclaimed, "Fire, fellow-sol- diers ! for God's sake, fire !" The provincials then fired, and killed one and wounded several of the enemy. The fire lasted but few minutes. The British immediately retreated, in great confusion, towards the main body, — a detachment from which was soon on its way to meet thern. The provincials pursued them over the bridge, when one of the wounded of the British was cruelly killed by a hatchet.* Part of the provincials soon turned to the left, and ascended the
' Letter in Concord paper, 1824. ^ Depositions of 1775.
'The evidence in relation to the firing is as follows. Emerson says:"We received the fire of the enemy in three several and separate discharges of their pieces, before it was returned by our commanding oflicer." Clark says : "Upon the provincials' approach towards the bridge, Captain Laurie's party fired upon them, killed Captain Davis and another man dead upon the spot, and wounded several others. Upon this, our militia rushed on,"&c. Gor- don says, that Mr. Emerson saw the firing,, and " was very uneasy till he found that the firing was returned." Colonel James Barrett, and four others, testify, (1775,) that two of the militia were killed, and several wounded, before the fire was returned. Captain Nathan Barrett, and twenty-three others, say, that " when we got near the bridge they fired on our men, first three guns, one after the othi^r, and then a considerable number more ; upon which, and not before, we fired upon the regulars, and they retreated," — without saying that any were killed. Adams, in his Centennial, discusses this question with acuteness.
* This barbarous deed gave rise to the British charge, that the Americans scalped the wounded, and cut off their ears. Mr. Emerson gave Gordon an account of it at the time, with great concern for its having happened. It was the act of a young man, who killed the soldier as he was attempting to get up.
70
LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
hill on the east of the main road, while another portion returned to the high grounds, carrying with them the remains
of the gallant Davis and Hosmer. Military order was broken, and many, who had been on duty all the morning and were
■ Lexington road.
^ Hill and high lands where the liberty pole stood.
^ Centre of the town, and main body of the British.
* Road to the South Bridge.
^ Road to the North Bridge, and to Colonel Barrett's, two miles from the
centre of the town. *High grounds a mile north of the meeting-house, where the militia
assembled. ' Road along which they marched to dislodge the British at North Bridge. ® Spot where Davis and Hosmer fell.
* Reverend Mr. Emerson's house.
'" Bridges and roads made in 1793, when the old roads, with dotted lines,
were discontinued. Arrow. Return of Captain Parsons, after the firing at the North Bridge.
GATHERING OF THE MINUTE-MEN. 71
hungry and fatigued, improved the time to take refreshment. Meantime, the party under Captain Parsons — who was piloted by Ensign D'Berniere — returned from Captain Bar- rett's house, re-passed the bridge where the skirmish took place, and saw the bodies of their companions, — one of which was mangled. It would have been easy for the provincials to have cut them off. But war had not been declared ; and it is evident that it had not been fully resolved to attack the Brit- ish troops. Hence, this party of about one hundred were allowed, unmolested, to join the main body. Colonel Smith concentrated his force, obtained conveyances for the wounded, and occupied about two hours in making preparations to return to Boston, — a delay that nearly proved fatal to the whole detachment."
While these great events'^ were occurring at Lexington and Concord, the intelligence of the hostile march of the British troops was spreading rapidly through the country ; and hun- dreds of local communities, animated by the same determined and patriotic spirit, were sending out their representatives to the battle-field. The minute-men, organized and ready for action, promptly obeyed the summons to parade. They might wait, in some instances, to receive a parting blessing from their minister, or to take leave of weeping friends;^ but in all the
^ The time occupied by the British troops was nearly as follows : Left Boston at half-past ten, p. m., on the 18th, (British accounts,) — arrived at Lexington at half-past four, a. m., on the 19th, (Gordon,) — halted twenty minutes, (Phinney,) — arrived at Concord at seven, (Barrett's deposition, 1775, " about an hour after sunrise,") — the firing at the bridge was between nine and ten, (Brown's diary, in Adams, and deposition No. 18, 1775, " nearly ten,") — the troops left Concord at twelve, (British accounts, Clark,) — they met Percy's brigade at two, (British letters,) — arrived at Charles- town at sunset.
^ Samuel Adams heard the volley of musketry at Lexington that com- menced the war of the revolution. It was in view of the inevitable train of consequences that would result from this, that he exclaimed, " O, what a glorious morning is this ! "
^King's Danvers Address, p. 11. In Dedham, besides the minute-men, there was a company of veterans who had been in the French wars. On the alarm reaching this town, they assembled on the green in front of the church, where Reverend William Gordon stood on the steps, and invoked the blessing of Heaven on their enterprise. " The gray-headed warriors then began their
7^ LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
roads leading to Concord, they were hurrying to the scene of action. They carried the firelock that had fought the Indian, and the drum that beat at Louisburg ; and they were led by men who had served under Wolfe at Quebec. As they drew near the places of bloodshed and massacre, they learned that, in both cases, the regulars had been the aggressors, — " had fired the first," -7- and they were deeply touched by the slaugh- ter of their brethren.^ Now the British had fairly passed the Rubicon. If any still counselled forbearance, moderation, peace, the words were thrown away. The assembling bands felt that the hour had come in which to hurl back the insult- ing charges on their courage that had been repeated for years, and to make good the solemn words of their public bodies. And they determined to attack on their return the invaders of their native soil.
Colonel Smith, about twelve o'clock, commenced his march for Boston. His left was covered by a strong flank guard that kept the height of land that borders the Lexington road, lead- ing to Merriam's Corner ; his right was protected by a brook ; the main body marched in the road. The British soon saw how thoroughly the country had been alarmed. It seemed, one of them writes, that " men had dropped from the clouds," so full were the hills and roads of the minute-men. The pro- vincials left the high grounds near the North Bridge and went across the pastures known as " the great fields," to Bedford road. Here the Reading minute-men, under Major Brooks, afterwards Governor Brooks, joined them; and a few minutes after. Colonel William Thompson, with a body of militia from Billerica and vicinity, came up. It is certain, from the diaries and petitions of this period, that minute-men from other towns also came up in season to fire upon the British while leaving Concord.
Rev. Mr. Foster, who was with the Reading company, relates the beginning of the afternoon contest in the following manner: "A httle before we came to Merriam's Hill, we discovered the enemy's flank guard, of about eighty or one
march, leaving the town, almost literally, without a male inhabitant below the age of seventy and above that of sixteen." — Haven's Historical Address. ' Tay's petition.
ATTACKS ON THE BRITISH. 73
hundred men, who, on their retreat from Concord, kept that height of land, the main body in the road. The British troops and the Americans, at that time, were equally distant from Merriam's Corner. About twenty rods short of that place, the Americans made a halt. The British marched down the hill, with very slow but steady step, without music, or a word being, spoken that could be heard. Silence reigned on both sides. As soon as the British had gained the main road, and passed a small bridge near that corner, they faced about suddenly, and fired a volley of musketry upon us. They overshot ; and no one, to my knowledge, was injured by the fire. The fire was immediately returned by the Americans, and two British soldiers fell dead, at a little distance from each other, in the road, near the brook." ^
The battle now began in earnest, and as the British troops retreated, a severe fire was poured in upon them from every favorable position. Near Hardy's Hill, the Sudbury company, led by Captain Nathaniel Cudworth,*^ attacked them, and there was a severe skirmish below the Brooks tavern, on the old road, north of the school-house. The woods lined both sides of the road which the British had to pass, and it was filled with the minute-men. "The enemy," says Mr. Foster, "was now completely between two fires, renewed and briskly kept up. They ordered out a flank guard on the left, to dislodge the Americans from their posts behind large trees, but they only became a better mark to be shot at." A short and sharp battle ensued. And for three or four miles along these woody defiles the British suffered terribly. Woburn had " turned out extraordinary;" it sent out a force one hundred and eighty strong, " well armed and resolved in defence of the common cause." Major Loammi Baldwin, afterwards Colo- nel Baldwin, was with this body. At Tanner Brook, at Lincoln Bridge, they concluded to scatter, make use of the trees and walls as defences, and thus attack the British. And in this way they kept on pursuing and flanking them.' In Lincoln, also. Captain Parker's brave Lexington company again appeared in the field, and did efficient service. " The
' Ripley's History. ^ Mass. Archives. ^ Tay's Petition and Baldwin's Diary. I am indebted to George R. Baldwin, Esq., for the Ms. Diary.
74 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD,
enemy," says Colonel Baldwin, "marched very fast, and left many dead and wounded, and a few tired." Eight were buried in Lincoln grave-yard. It was at this time that Captain Jonathan Wilson, of Bedford, Nathaniel Wyman, of Billerica, and Daniel Thompson, of Woburn, were killed.
In Lexington, at Fiske's Hill, an officer on a fine horse, with a drawn sword in his hand, was actively engaged in directing the troops, when a number of the pursuers, from behind a pile of rails, fired at him with eifect. The officer fell, and the horse, in affright, leaped the wall, and ran tow- ards those who had fired. It was here that Lieut-col. Smith was severely wounded in the leg. At the foot of this hill, a personal contest between James Hay ward, of Acton, and a British soldier took place. The Briton drew up his gun, remarking, "You are a dead man!" "And so are you!" answered Hayward. The former was killed. Hay ward was mortally wounded, and died the next day.'
The British troops, when they arrived within a short dis- tance of Lexington meeting-house, again suffered severely from the close pursuit and the sharp fire of the provincials. Their ammunition began to fail, while their light companies were so fatigued as to be almost unfitted for service. The large number of wounded created confusion, and many of the troops rather ran than marched in order. For some time the officers in vain tried to restore discipline. They saw the con- fusion increase under their efforts, until, at last, they placed themselves in front, and threatened the men with death if they advanced. This desperate exertion, made under a heavy fire, partially restored order. The detachment, however, must have soon surrendered, had it not, in its extreme peril, found shelter in the hollow square of a reinforcement sent to their relief^
' Shaltuck ; Foster ; Essex Gazette ; Ripley.
^ British accounts admit that the position of Colonel Smith, when Percy joined him, was very critical. Lieut. Carter, in his letters, says : " The con- sequences must have proved far more serious, had not a brigade, under the command of Lord Percy, marched to our support." Other accoimts admit that the detachment must have surrendered. These accounts err as much in making the numbers of the provincials too large, as some of the American ac- counts do in making them too small. Thus, one letter says, April 30 : "It
LORD Percy's march, 75
General Gage received, early in the morning, a request from Colonel Smith for a reinforcement. About nine o'clock he detached three regiments of infantry and two divisions of marines, with two field-pieces, under Lord Percy, to support the grenadiers and light infantry. Lord Percy marched through Roxbury, to the tune of Yankee Doodle, to the great alarm of the country. To prevent or to impede his march, the selectmen of Cambridge had the planks of the Old Bridge, over which he was obhged to pass, taken up ; but instead of being removed, they were piled on the causeway on the Cam- bridge side of the river. Hence, Lord Percy found no diffi- culty in replacing them so as to admit his troops to cross. But a convoy of provisions was detained until it was out of the protection of the main body. This was captured at West Cam- bridge. According to Gordon, Rev. Dr. Payson led this party. David Lamson, a half Indian, distinguished himself in the
was thought there were about six thousand at first, and at night double that number." Another letter says: "The rebels were monstrous numerous, and surrounded us on every side ; when they came up we gave them a smart fire, but they never would engage us properly." Another says: "As we came along, they got before us, and fired at us out of the houses, and killed and wpunded a great number of us, but we levelled their houses as we came along." Bernicre says that Captain Laurie was attacked "by about fifteen thousand rebels," and yet " they let Captain Parsons, with his com- pany, return, and never attacked us."
The Conduct of the American War states: " Lieutenant-colonel Smith's party would have been destroyed had not Lord Percy joined him, and even he was almost too late, from two stupid blunders we committed. The general ordered the first brigade under arms at four in the morning ; these orders, the evening before, were carried to the brigade major's ; he was not at home ; the orders were left ; no inquiry was made after him ; he came home late ; his servant forgot to tell him there was a letter on his table ; four o'clock came ; no brigade appeared ; at five o'clock an express from Smith, desiring a reinforcement, produced an inquiry ; the above discovery was made ; at six o'clock part of the brigade got on the parade ; there they waited, expecting the marines ; at seven, no marines appearing, another inquiry commenced ; they said they had received no orders ; it was asserted they had ; in the altercation it came out that the order had been addressed to Major Pitcairn, who commanded the marines, and left at his quarters, though the gentlemen concerned in this business ought to have recollected that Pitcairn had been despatched the evening before, with the grenadiers and light infantry, under Lieut-col. Smith. This double mistake lost us from four till nine o'clo(i, the time we marched off to support Col. Smith." 7
70 LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.
affair. Percy's brigade met the harassed and retreating troops about two o'clock, within half a mile of the Lexington meeting-house. "They were so much exhausted with fa- tigue," the British historian, Stedman, writes, " that they were obliged to lie down for rest on the ground, their tongues hang- ing out of their mouths, like those of dogs after a chase." The field-pieces from the high ground below Monroe's tavern played on the provincials, and for a short period there was, save the discharge of cannon, a cessation of battle. From this time, however, the troops committed the most wanton destruction. Three houses, two shops and a barn, were laid in ashes in Lexington ; buildings on the route were defaced and plundered, and individuals were grossly abused.
At this time. Dr. Warren and General Heath were active in the field, directing and encouraging the militia. General Heath was one of the generals who were authorized to take the command when the minute-men should be called out. On his way to the scene of action, he ordered the militia of Cambridge to make a barricade of the planks of the bridge, take post there,